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WEBSTER,  NY.  14S8C 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 

1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibtiographicaliy  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfi!m6  ie  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6X6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessou't. 


D 


D 


n 
□ 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pellicul6e 


□    Cover  title  missing/ 
Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli§  avec  d'autres  documents 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur6es  et/uu  pellicul6es 

□    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d^colories,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 


Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 


dp: 

/ 

rT~i    Showthrough/ 
I I    Transparence 

□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Ciualit^  indgale  de  rimi 


mpression 


ndgale 

supple 
Comprend  du  matdriel  suppiementaire 


I      I    includes  supplementary  material/ 


D 


D 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intdrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6X6  film6es. 


D 
D 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  film^es  6  nouveau  de  fapon  6 
obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires; 


□    This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 
Ce  document  est  filrnd  au  taux  de  rddMCtion  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

SOX 

y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


L'exemplaire  fitmd  fut  reproduit  grdce  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Bibliothdque  nationale  du  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet6  de  l'exemplaire  filmd,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  filmds  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmds  en  commengant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  pa*- 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  —*^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN", 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  §tre 
fiim6s  i  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmd  it  partir 
de  Tangle  supdrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

''>^:ni*ii«!^»'*'.n*i».*;i;f;f 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


AND 


ALLIED  DOCUMENTS 


VOL.   1 


The  edition  consists  of  sev- 
en hundred  and  fifty  sets 
all  numbered 


No. 


r 


/ 


The  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents 


Travels  and  Explorations 
OF  THE  Jesuit  Missionaries 

IN  New  France 

1610-1791 

THE  ORIGINAL  FRENCH,  LATIN,  AND  ITAL- 
IAN TEXTS.  WITH  ENGLISH  TRANSLA- 
TIONS AND  NOTES;  ILLUSTRATED  BY 
PORTRAITS,  MAPS,  AND  FACSIMILES 

EDITED  BY 

REUBEN  GOLD  THWAITES 
Secretary  of  the  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin 


Vol.  I 
Acadia:   1610-1613 


CLEVELAND:    ttbC  »UttOW6  JSrOtbCM 

Company,  publishers,  mdcccxcvi 


F5055 
»   S 

3ftAfV 


162131 


COI'YUICIII',     iSi/) 

The  Burrows  Brothers  Co 

Al.I,    KICHTS    RESERVKl) 


The  Imperial  Press,  Cleveland 


\ 


! 


EDITORIAL  STAFF 


Editor 

Translator   from  the 
French 


Reuben  Gold  Thwaites 
John  Cutler  Covert 


Assistant  Translator  from 

the  French  .  Makv  Sifton  Pepper 


Translators  from  the 
Latin 

Translator    from    the 
Italian 

Assistant  Editor 


j  William  Frederic  Giese 
(  John  Dokskv  Wolcott 

Marv  Sifton  Pepper 
Emma  Helen  Blair 


GENERAL  PREFACE 


t\ 


The  story  of   New    France  is  also,    in  part,   the 
story  of  much  of  New  England,  and  of  States  whose 
shores  are  washed  by  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi River.     It  may  truly  be  said  that  the  history 
of  evei^  one  of  our  northern  tier  of  commonwealths, 
from  Maine  to  Minnesota,  has  its  roots  in  the  French 
regime.     It  is  not  true,  as  Bancroft  avers,  that  the 
Jesuit  was  ever  the  pioneer  of  New  France ;  we  now 
know  that  in  this  land,  as  elsewhere  in  all  ages,  the 
trader  nearly  always  preceded  the  priest.     But  the 
trader   was  not   often   a  letter-writer   or   a   diarist; 
hence,    we    owe    our    intimate    knowledge    of    New 
France,    particularly    in    the    seventeenth    century, 
chiefly  to  the  wandering  missionaries  of  the  Society 
of   Jesus.       Coming   early    to    the    shores   of    Nova 
Scotia  (1611),  nearly  a  decade  before  the  landing  of 
the   Plymouth    Pilgrims,   and   eventually  spreading 
throughout  the  broad  expanse  of  New  France,  ever 
close  upon  the  track  of  the  adventurous  coureur  de 
bois,  they  met  the  American  savage  before  contact 
with  civilization  had  seriously  affected  him.     With 
heroic  fortitude,   often  with  marvellous  enterprise, 
they  pierced  our  wilderness  while  still   there  were 
but  Indian  trails  to  connect  far-distant  villages  of 
semi-naked  aborigines.     They  saw    North  America 
and  the  North  Americans  practically  in  the  primitive 


viii 


GENERAL  PREFACE 


Stage.  Cultivated  men,  for  the  most  part, —  trained 
to  see  as  well  as  Lo  think,  and  carefully  to  make 
record  of  their  experiences, —  they  left  the  most  lux- 
urious country  in  Europe  to  seek  shelter  in  the  foul 
and  imwelcome  huts  of  one  of  the  mOvSt  wretched 
races  of  man.  To  win  these  crude  beings  to  the 
Christian  Faith,  it  was  necessary  to  know  them  inti- 
mately, in  their  daily  walks.  No  coureur  de  bois  was 
more  expert  in  forest  lore  than  were  the  Jesuit 
Fathers ;  and  the  records  made  by  these  soldiers  of  the 
Cross, — explicit  and  (  tailed,  while  familiar  in  tone, — 
are  of  the  highest  scitiitific  value,  often  of  consider- 
able literary  interest.  The  body  of  contemporary, 
documentary  material  which,  in  their  Relations  and 
Letters,  the  Jesuits  of  New  France  have  bequeathed 
to  the  historian,  the  geographer,  and  the  ethnologist, 
entitles  them  to  the  enduring  gratitude  of  American 
scholars.  For  forty  years,  these  documents  have,  in 
part,  been  more  or  less  familiar  to  Americanists  as  a 
rich  storehouse  of  material.  But,  hitherto,  they  have 
existed  only  in  rare  and  costly  forms,  when  in  print 
at  all, —  as  original  products  of  ancient  French, 
Italian,  and  German  presses,  or  as  reprints  issued  in 
vsparse  number  for  small  circles  of  bibliophiles; 
while  many  important  papers,  capable  of  throwing 
light  upon  certain  portions  of  Canadian  history  hith- 
erto in  shade,  have  as  yet  remained  in  manuscript. 
We  cannot  promise  for  this  series  the  entire  body 
of  existing  Jesuit  documents,  either  printed  or  in 
manuscript,  which  illustrate  the  history  of  New 
France  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries. 
This  would  carry  us,  even  were  they  all  obtainable, 
far  beyond  the  necessary  limits  of  this  .series ;  for  the 
fathers  were  profuse  writers,  and  their  papers  are  in 


GENERA  J.  PREFACE 


iz 


many  archives.  It  is  of  necessity  a  matter  of  selec- 
tion. We  shall,  however,  reissue  all  of  the  docu- 
ments usually  designated  as  Relations, —  the  Cramoi- 
sys,  the  Quebec  reissue,  the  Shea  and  O'Callaghan 
reprints;  and  to  the.se  will  be  added  a  very  consider- 
able collection  of  miscellaneous  papers  of  importance, 
from  printed  sources  and  from  manuscripts,  in  order 
to  fill  the  chronological  gaps  and  round  out  and  com- 
plete the  story.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  Editor 
to  present  this  mass  of  selected  material  in  chrono- 
logical order,  so  far  as  proves  practicable,  and  to 
furnish  such  scholarly  helps  as  will  tend  to  render  it 
more  available  than  hitherto  for  daily  use  by  students 
of  American  hivStory.  To  this  end  will  be  given  an 
English  tran.slation,  side  by  vside  with  the  original 
text.  While  tran.slations  of  many  of  the  briefest 
documents,  and  of  portions  of  oth  ?rs,  have  already 
appeared  in  one  form  or  other,  this  is  the  first  at- 
tempt to  translate  the  entire  body  of  the  Relations. 
In  many  cases,  where  corruptions  in  text  have  crept 
in,  we  shall  be  enabled,  by  recourse  to  original 
manuscripts,  to  restore  correct  renderings ;  this  care 
has  been  taken,  wherever  practicable,  even  to  the  ex- 
amination of  manuscripts  in  European  archives ;  but 
occasionally  we  shall  be  obliged  to  follow  our  prede- 
cessors blindly  in  this  regard,  either  from  inability 
to  discover  the  whereabouts  of  the  original,  or  to 
obtain  access  to  it,  when  found.  In  the  case  of  each 
document,  we  shall  invariably  state  the  .source 
whence  we  obtained  our  copy,  and  shall  give  addi- 
tional bibliographical  data  as  to  other  editions  known 
to  us.  All  maps  and  other  illustrations  appearing 
in  previous  editions  will  be  reproduced  in  this ;  and 
these  will  be  supplemented  by  other  important  con- 


GENERAL  PREFACE 


temporary  aids  of  like  character.  At  the  end  of  each 
volume  will  appear  such  Notes  as  seem  necessary  to 
the  elucidation  of  the  text.  The  closing  volume  of 
the  series  will  contain  —  and  probably  will  be  wholly 
devoted  tc — an  exhaustive  analytical  Index,  a  feat- 
ure without  which  the  work  would  lose  much  of 
its  value.  In  short,  no  pains  have  been,  or  will  be, 
spared  to  render  all  possible  service  to  .scholars,  in 
the  present  work.  But  the  field  is  wide,  the  diffi- 
culties are  many,  and  the  Editor  makes  no  claims  to 
perfection.  He  will  be  grateful  to  any  who,  in  the 
course  of  publication, —  promising  to  extend  through 
several  years  yet  to  come, —  will  offer  helpful  sugges- 
tions in  any  department  of  the  undertaking. 

While  seeking  to  reproduce  the  old  texts  as  closely 
as  practicable,  with  their  legitimate  typographic  and 
orthographic  peculiarities,  it  has  been  found  advis- 
able here  and  there  to  make  a  few  minor  changes. 
The  original  printer  was  sometimes  careless, —  Cra- 
moisy  especially  so, —  and  his  proof-readc  negligent. 
The  result  was  that  certain  typographical  errors 
crept  into  the  original  prints, ^^  errors  not  of  the 
author's  making,  and  therefore  not  illustrative  of 
his  methods.  These  consist  in  the  main,  of:  (i) 
turned  letters;  (2)  transposed  letters;  (3)  slipped  let- 
ters ;  and  (4)  mis-spacings.  To  these  obvious  errors 
may  be  added  such  as,  e.  g.,  mistaking  the  verb  ^r^^- 
tcr  for  grauer,  evidently  through  a  failure  on  the  part 
of  the  writer  to  cross  his  t's, —  the  context  plainly 
showing  what  was  written;  the  printing,  e.  g.,  of 
hcauL^onp  for  bcancoup ;  or  the  repetition  on  the  next 
line  of  a  syllable  in  a  divided  word,  resuHing  in  such 
a  redundancy  as,  poupouuant  for  pouuant.  Palpable 
blemishes  like  these,  we  have  deemed  it  advisable  to- 


GENERAL  FREE ACE 


xi 


correct  without  specific  mention ;  in  some  instances, 
however,  the  original  error  has  been  retained,  and 
in  juxtaposition  the  correct  rendering  given  within 
brackets. 

Another  and  more  annoying  class  of  errors  is,  the 
wrong  numbering  of  chapters  and  pages  in  the  old 
issues,  chiefly  the  fruit  of  carelessness  in  make-up. 
We  indicate,  throughout,  the  original  pagination,  by 
inclosing  within  brackets  the  number  of  each  page 
at  its  beginning,  e.  g.  [148J ;  in  case  of  misnumbering, 
the  correct  figure  is  also  given,  e.  g.  [150,  i.  e.  149]. 
A  similar  device  is  adopted  as  to  chapter  misnumber- 
ing, e.  g.  Chapitre  XXX.  [i.  e.  XXIX.  ]. 

A  difference  in  the  typographic  style  of  the  docu- 
ments presented  in  the  present  series,  will  occasion- 
ally be  noticed.  In  following  originals  of  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries,  we  have  of  course 
reproduced  their  peculiarities,  such  as  the  long  "  s," 
and  character  diphthongs;  but  where  our  sole  copy 
has  been  a  modern  reprint,  in  a  modern  typographic 
dress,  we  have  followed  its  style,  deeming  it  inad- 
visable, for  mere  sake  of  uniformity,  to  masquerade 
the  document  in  olden  guise. 

In  the  progress  of  the  work,  which  has  now  been 
under  way  for  some  sixteen  months,  many  persons 
beside  the  present  staff  have  tendered  helping 
hands.  To  them,  the  Editor  returns,  for  Lhe  Pub- 
lishers and  for  himself,  grateful  acknowledgment. 
It  is  impracticable  to  name  them  all  in  this  place  > 
but  of  a  few  from  whom  special  favors  have  been 
received,  it  is  only  just  to  speak:  The  Reverend 
Arthur  E.  Jones,  S.  J.,  archivist  of  St.  Mary's  Col- 
lege, Montreal,  from  the  first  opened  his  heart  to 
this   enterprise,    and    has    not   only   given    us    caric 


w 


Xll 


GENERAL  PREFACE 


h,  ' 


blanche  to  ransack  his  priceless  stores,  but  has  con- 
tributed invaluable  suggestions  and  data,  almost 
without  number.  To  Wilberforce  Eames,  librarian 
of  Lenox  Library,  and  his  assistant,  Victor  H. 
Paltsits,  we  owe  much;  for  in  their  institution  the 
greater  part  of  the  transcription  is  being  done,  and 
their  daily  courtesies  and  kindnesses  materially 
lighten  the  task.  Superintendent  Robbins  Little, 
and  Librarian  Frederick  Saunders,  of  Astor  Library, 
have  also  been  of  much  assistance  in  the  conduct  of 
the  work.  To  John  Nicholas  Brown,  of  Providence, 
R.  L,  and  to  his  librarian,  George  Parker  Winship, 
we  are  indebted  for  numerous  courtesies  and  sug- 
gestions during  the  copying  and  photographing  of 
documents  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library  of 
Americana.  Similar  aid  is  being  rendered  by  Dr. 
Justin  Winsor,  of  Harvard  College  Library,  and  his 
assistants,  W.  H.  Tillinghast  and  T.  J.  Kiernan;  by 
the  librarians  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  College,  New 
York,  and  the  Jesuit  Colleges  at  Georgetown,  D.  C, 
and  Woodstock,  Md. ;  by  L.  P.  Sylvani,  assistant  libra- 
rian of  the  Library  of  Parliament,  Ottawa;  and  by  C. 
H.  Gould,  librarian  of  McGill  University  Library, 
Montreal,  and  his  assistant,  Henry  Mott.  Donald 
Guthrie  McNab,  of  Montreal,  has  kindly  permitted  us 
to  photograph  and  reproduce  his  excellent  oil  portraits 
of  the  early  fathers;  and,  in  this  connection,  we  feel 
imder  especial  obligations  to  Messrs.  Notman  &  Son, 
of  Montreal,  for  their  intelligent  advice  and  patience 
in  photographing  paintings  and  manuscripts  for  the 
series.  Marked  privileges  have  been  granted  by  the 
officials  of  the  Bibliothfeque  Nationale  and  the  Bibli- 
oth^que  de  I'Arsenal,  of  Paris.  Numerous  antiqua- 
rians have  rendered  generous  aid,  notably  Peter  A. 


GENERAL  PREFACE 


xiii 


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■-■"■ 

Porter,  of  Niagara  R-Us,  N.  Y. ;  W.  M.  Beauchamp, 
of  Baldwinsville,  N.  Y. ;  I'Abbe  H.  A.  B.  Verreau, 
of  Montreal;  Mgr.  T.  E.  Hamel,  of  Quebec;  and  A.' 
F.  Hunter,  of  Barrie,  Ontirio.  Further  acknowledg- 
ment  of  assistance  will  be  rendered  in  the  several 
volumes,  as  they  appear. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  August,  1896. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL  I 


General  Preface  .... 

Historical  Introduction.     The  Editor 
Preface  to  Volume  I 

•  •  • 

Documents: — 

I.  La  Conversion  des  Savvages  qui  ont  est6 
baptizes  en  la  Novvelle  France,  cette 
annee  1610.  Marc  Lescarbot 
II.  Lettre  Missive,  tovchant  la  Conversion  et 
baptefme  du  grand  Sagamos  de  la  nou- 
iielle  Frace.  M.  Bcrtrmid ;  Port  Roy- 
al, June  28,  1610 

III.  Lettre    au    T.-R.    P.    Claude    Aquaviva, 

General  de  la  Compagnie  de  J^sus,  ^ 
Rome,  Pierre  Biard ;  Dieppe,  January 
21,  1611 

IV.  Lettre  au  R.  P.  Christophe  Baltazar,  Pro- 

vincial     de    France,    k    Paris.      Pierre 
Biard;    Port  Royal,  June  10,   1611 
Lettre  au  R.  P.  Provincial,  k  Paris.     Enne- 
mond  Masse  ;  Port  Royal,  June  10,  1611 
VI.   Lettre    au    T.-R.    P.    Claude    Aquaviva. 
Pierre  Biard;  Port  Royal,  June  11,  16 11 
Canadicae  Miffionis  Relatio  ab  anno   161 1 
ufque  ad  annum   161 3,  cum  ftatu  ejuf- 
dem    Miffionis,    annis     1703    &     17 10. 
Joseph  Jouvency   .  ,.  ^ 

VIII.  De  Regione  et  Moribus  Canadenfium  feu 
Barbarorum  Novae  Franciae.  Joseph  Jou- 
vency 

Bibliographical  Data:  Volume  I 
Notes     .  . 


VI 1 

I 

45 


49 


115 


V. 


VII. 


125 

138 
184 
188 


193 


239 
299 

305 


ILLUSTRATIONS  TO  VOL.  I 


L   Photographic   facsimile  of  title-page,   Les- 

carbot's  La  Conversion  des  Savvagcs  .       52 

11.   Photographic   facsimile  of  title-page,   Ber- 

tra.nd' s  Li'ttrc  Mi'sshi'  .  .  .     118 

III.  Map  of  Port  Royal  (1609),  from  Lescarbot's 

Histoirc  dc  la  Notivellc  France  (Paris,   16 12) 

,  ,    .  .     Facing  124 

IV.  Map  of  "  La  Terre  Nevve,   Grand  Riviere 

de  Canada,  et  cotes  de  1' Ocean  en  la  Nov- 
velle  France,"  from  Ibid  .  .     Facing  192 

V.   Historical  map    of    New    France,    vshowing 
missions,  forts,  portage-routes,  tribes,  etc 

.       ,      •  •  •         At  end  of  volume 


INTRODUCTION 


BY   REUBEN   GOLD   THWAITES 

Doubtless  Norse  vikings,  venturino-  far  southward 
from  outlying  colonies  in  Iceland   and    Greenland, 
first  coasted  New  France,  and  beached  their  sturd^ 
ships  on  the  shores  of  New  England.     But  five  cent 
uries  passed  without  result,  and  we  cannot  properly 
call  them  pioneers  of  American  civilization.     Colum 
bus  It  was    who  unlocked  the  eastern  door  of  the 
New  World      Five  years  later,  John   Cabot,  in  be- 
half of  England,  was  sighting  the  gloomy  headlands 
of  Cape  Breton.     Cortereal  appeared  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, m   1 501,  seeking  lands  for  the  Portuguese 
crown.     About  this  time,  at  intervals,  there  came  to 
Newfoundland  certain  Norman,  Breton,  and  Basque 
fishers,  who,  erecting  lictle  huts  and  drying.scaffolds 
along  the  rocky  shore,  sowed  the  first  sefd  of  that 

a'nd' Fn'  ^T1""^  f  '^^^"^''  P^^^^--,  Spanish, 
and  English  which  has  come  down  to  our  day  al 
most  uninterruptedly.  By  15U,  these  fishermen 
appear  to  have  known  the  mainland  to  the  west- 
for  on  the  map  of  Sylvanus,  in  his  edition  of  Ptole' 
my  that  year,  we  find  a  delineation  of  the  "  Square 
Gulf  which  answers  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 
in  1520,  Fagundus  visited  these  waters  for  the  For 


.'If, 


2 


INTRODUCTION 


tuguese,  and  four  years  later  Verrazano  was  making 
for  the  French  an  exploration  of  the  coast  between 
North  Carolina  and  Newfoundland.  Whether  or  not 
Cartier  (1535)  was  the  first  to  sail  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
' '  until  land  could  be  seen  on  either  side, ' '  no  man  can 
now  tell ;  apparently,  he  was  the  first  to  leave  a  record 
of  doing  so.  Progress  up  the  river  was  checked  by 
Lachine  Rapids,  and  he  spent  the  winter  on  Mont- 
real Island. 

France  and  Spain  were  just  then  engaged  in  one 
of  their  periodical  quarrels,  and  adventurers  were 
needed  to  fight  battles  at  home,  so  that  it  was  six 
years  before  any  attempts  were  made  to  colonize  the 
river-lands  to  which  Cartier  had  led  the  way.  In 
1 541,  a  Picard  seigneur  named  Roberval,  enjoying 
the  friendship  of  Francis  I.,  was  commissioned  as 
viceroy  of  the  new  country  beyond  the  Atlantic,  with 
Cartier  as  his  chief  pilot  and  captain-general,  and  a 
choice  selection  of  jail-birds  for  colonists.  Cartier 
started  off  before  his  chief,  built  a  fort  at  Quebec, 
and,  after  a  long  and  miserable  winter,  picked  up  a 
quantity  of  glittering  stones  which  he  took  to  be 
gold  and  diamonds,  and  gladly  set  sail  for  home. 
Tradition  has  it  that  Roberval  met  him  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  but  was  unable  to  induce  him  to 
return  to  his  cheerless  task  of  founding  a  state  in  an 
inhot^pitable  wilderness,  with  convicts  for  citizens. 
Roberval,  however,  proceeded  to  Quebec  with  his 
consignment  of  prison  dregs,  and  throughout  another 
protracted  winter  the  flag  of  France  floated  from  the 
little  intrenched  camp  which  Cartier  had  planted  on 
the  summit  of  the  cliff.  Roberval 's  principal  occu- 
pation appears  to  have  been  the  disciplining  of  his 
unruly  followers,  a  work  in  which  the  gibbet  and 


VI: 


■1 


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the 

to 

an 

,ens. 

his 

ither 

the 

:1  on 

iCCU- 

his 
and 


s 


INTRODUCTION 


the  lash  were  freely  employed.  He  also  essayed  ex- 
plorations up  the  river;  but  the  rude  task  was  not  to 
his  liking,  and,  with  what  remained  of  his  battered 
band,  he  followed  Cartier  to  France. 

It  is  commonly  said  that  Canada  was  abandoned  by 
the  French  between  the  going  of  Roberval  and  the 
coming  of  Champlain.  But,  though  little  was  done 
toward  colonizing  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  Newfound- 
land was  by  no  means  neglected.  Its  fishing  in- 
dustry grew  apace.  The  rules  of  the  Church,  pre- 
scribing a  fish  diet  on  certain  holy  days,  led  to  a  large 
use  of  salted  fish  throughout  Catholic  Europe;  and, 
by  1578,  full  a  hundred  and  fifty  French  vessels 
alone,  chiefly  Breton,  were  employed  in  the  New- 
foundland fisheries,  while  a  good  trade  with  the  main- 
land Indians,  as  far  south  as  the  Potomac,  had  now 
sprung  up.  The  island  colony  proved  valuable  as  a 
supply  and  repair  station  for  traders  and  explorers, 
and  thus  served  as  a  nucleus  of  both  French  and 
English  settlement  in  America. 

It  is  difficult  for  us  of  to-day  to  realize  that,  at  any 
time  in  the  world's  history,  enlightened  folk  should 
have  thought  good  colonists  could  be  made  out  of 
the  sweepings  of  the  jails  and  gutters  of  the  Old 
World.  But  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centu- 
ries that  delusion  was  quite  generally  entertained  by 
would-be  founders  of  states  across  sea;  it  required 
the  lessons  of  more  than  a  hundred  years  of  uisas- 
trous  experiments  to  teach  discerning  men  that  only 
the  best  of  the  middle  class  and  the  masses,  can  suc- 
cessfully plant  a  new  community  in  the  wilderness. 
The  experiences  of  Cartier  and  Roberval  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  of  Laudonni^re  in  Florida  (1564), 
were  of  no  avail  in  influencing  governmental  policy 


it 
•■i 


i'i 


.  (^1 


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I'  \ 


INTRODUCTION 


at  Paris.  In  1 590,  the  Marquis  de  la  Fioche  was  sent 
out  with  the  usual  dissolute  crew  to  succeed  Rober- 
val  as  the  king's  agent  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence. Leaving  part  of  his  ill-favored  gang  on  the 
desert  Sable  Isle,  off  Nova  Scotia  (where  early  in  the 
century  Baron  de  Lery  had  vainly  attempted  to 
plant  a  colony),  La  Roche  set  forth  to  explore  the 
mainland  for  a  site.  A  wild  vStorm  blew  his  vessels 
to  France,  and  the  wretched  skin-clad  survivors  of 
the  band  which  he  had  left  behind  were  not  rescued 
until  thirteen  years  had  elapsed.  Their  tale  of  horror 
long  rang  in  the  ears  of  France. 

In  1600-1603,  Chauvin  and  Pontgrav^  made  suc- 
cessful trading  voyages  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  Samuel 
de  Champlain  was  one  of  the  party  which,  in  the 
latter  year,  followed  in  Cartier's  track  to  Montreal. 
The  same  season,  a  Calvinist,  named  De  Monts,  was 
given  the  vice-royalty  and  fur-trade  monopoly  of 
Acadia,  and  in  1604  he  landed  a  strangely-assorted 
company  of  vagabonds  and  gentlemen  on  St.  Croix 
Island,  near  the  present  boundary  between  Maine 
and  New  Brunswick ;  but  in  the  spring  following 
they  settled  at  Port  Royal,  near  where  is  now  Annap- 
olis, Nova  Scotia,  thus  planting  the  first  French 
agricultural  settlement  in  America.  Five  years  later, 
Champlain  reared  a  permanent  post  on  the  rock  of 
Quebec,  and  New  France  was  at  last,  after  a  century 
of  experiments,  fairly  under  way. 

Various  motives  influenced  the  men  who  sought 
to  establish  French  colonization  in  America.  The 
ill-fated  agricultural  colony  of  the  Huguenots  in 
Florida  (1562-68),  was  avowedly  an  attempt  of  Ad- 
miral Coligny  to  found  an  enduring  asylum  for 
French  Protestants.     The  enterprise  of  New  France, 


'■-« 


INTRODUCTION 


on  the  other  hand,  was  the  outgrowth  of  interests 
more  or  less  conflicting.  Doubtless  the  court  had 
deepest  at  heart  the  kingly  passion  for  territorial  ag- 
grandizement;  next  uppermost,  was  the  pious  wish 
to  convert  heathen  nations  to  the  Catholic  faith,  ex- 
plorers like  Cartier  being  authorized  to  discover  new 
lands  "  in  order  the  better  to  do  what  is  pleasing  to 
God,  our  Creator  and  Redeemer,  and  what  may  be 
for  the  increase  of  his  holy  and  vSacred  name,  and  of 
our  holy  mother,  the  Church ;  ' '  the  desire  for  gelf, 
through  the  agency  of  the  fur  trade,  and  the  possi- 
bility of  the  discovery  of  precious  metals,  gave  com- 
mercial zest  to  the  undertaking,  and  to  many  was 
the  raison  d'etre  of  the  colony ;  and  lastly,  was  the  al- 
most universal  yearning  for  adventure,  among  a  peo- 
ple who  in  the  seventeenth  century  were  still  im- 
bued with  that  chivalric  temper  which  among  Eng- 
lishmen is  assigned  to  the  Middle  Ages.  The  inner 
life  of  New  France,  throughout  its  century  and  a 
half  of  existence,  was  largely  a  warring  between 
these  several  interests. 

Missionaries  came  early  upon  the  scene.  With 
the  Calvinist  De  Monts  were  Huguenot  ministers  for 
the  benefit  of  the  settlers,  and  Catholic  priests  to 
open  a  mission  among  the  savages,  for  the  court  had 
stipulated  with  him  that  the  latter  were  to  be  in- 
structed only  in  the  faith  of  Rome.  But  no  mission- 
ary work  was  done,  for  the  v-ulony  was  through 
several  years  on  the  verge  of  dissolution,  and  the 
priests  became  victims  of  scurvy.  Poutrincourt,  who 
held  under  De  Monts  the  patent  for  Port  Royal,  did 
nothing  to  further  the  purposes  of  the  court  in  this 
regard,  until  1610,  when,  admonished  for  his  neg- 
lect, he  brought  out  with  him  a  secular  priest,  Messire 


iti 


INTRODUCTION 


'H 


Jess6  Fl«jchd,  of  Langrcs,  who  on  June  24,  "  appar- 
ently in  some  haste,"  baptized  twenty-one  Abenakis, 
including  the  district  sagamore,  or  chief.  The  ac- 
count of  this  affair,  which  Poutrincourt  sent  in  tri- 
umph to  France,  is  the  initial  document  in  the  pres- 
ent series. 

On  the  twelfth  of  June,  161 1,  there  arrived  at  Port 
Royal,  at  the  instance  of  King  Henry  IV.,  two  Jesuit 
fathers,  Pierre  Biard  and  Ennemond  Mass6.  They 
were,  however,  not  favorably  received  by  Poutrin- 
court and  his  followers;  they  found  great  practical 
difficulties  in  acquiring  the  Indian  languages,  and 
made  slight  progress  in  the  herculean  task  to  which 
they  had  been  set.  To  them  came,  the  following 
year,  a  lay  brother,  Gilbert  du  Thct,  who  was  soon 
dispatched  to  the  head  of  the  order,  in  France,  with 
an  account  of  the  situation.  In  the  spring  of  1613, 
he  returned,  in  company  with  Father  Quentin.  The 
little  band  of  missionaries  had  no  sooner  established 
themselves  at  the  new  French  colony  on  Mt.  Desert 
Island,  than  the  latter  was  attacked  and  dispersed  by 
the  Virginian  Argall.  Du  Thet  was  killed  in  the 
fight.  Masse  was,  with  other  colonists,  set  adrift  in  a 
boat,  and  Biard  and  Quentin  were  taken  to  Virginia, 
to  be  eventually  shipped  to  England,  and  thence 
allowed  to  return  into  France.  Several  of  the  earlier 
documents  of  our  series  have  to  do  with  this  first 
and  apparently  unfruitful  mission  of  the  Jesuits  to 
Acadia. 

In  161 5,  Champlain  thought  the  time  ripe  for  the 
institution  of  Indian  missions  upon  the  St.  Law- 
rence, a  spiritual  field  hitherto  neglected,  and  intro- 
duced to  Quebec  four  members  of  the  fraternity  of 
R6collets,   the  most  austere  of  the  three  orders  of 


1, 


INTRODUCTION 


;  ac- 

tri- 
Dres- 


Franciscans ;  these  were  Fathers  Denis  Jamay,  Jean 
d'Olbeau,  and  Joseph  le  Caron,  and  a  lay  brother, 
Paeifique  du  Plessis.  To  D'Olbeau  was  assigned 
the  conversion  of  the  Montagnais  of  the  Lower  St. 
Lawrence;  Le  Caron  went  to  the  Hurons,  or  Wyan- 
dots,  in  the  vast  stretch  of  forested  wilderness  west 
of  the  Ottawa  River,  and  before  the  coming  of  au- 
tumn had  established  a  bark  chapel  in  their  midst; 
Jamay  and  Du  Plessis  remained  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Quebec,  ministering  to  the  colcmists  and  the 
wandering  savages  who  came  to  the  little  settlement 
for  purposes  of  trade  or  sociability,  or  through  fear 
of  scalp-hunting  Iroquois.  For  ten  years  did  these 
gray  friars  practice  the  rites  of  the  church  in  the 
Canadian  woods,  all  the  way  from  the  fishing  and 
trading  outpost  of  Tadoussac  to  the  western  Lake  of 
the  Nipissings.  Barefooted,  save  for  heavy  wooden 
sandals,  coarsely  clad  in  gown  and  hood,  enduring 
in  a  rigorous  climate,  to  which  they  were  unused,  all 
manner  of  hardships  by  flood  and  field,  they  were 
earnestly  devoted  to  their  laborious  calling  in  a  time 
when  elsewhere  the  air  of  New  France  was  noisy 
with  the  strife  of  self-seeking  traders  and  politicians. 
Yet  somehow  their  mission  seemed  without  impor- 
tant result.  Even  less  successful  was  the  enterprise 
of  some  fellow  Recollets,  who,  in  1619,  began  inde- 
pendent work  among  the  French  fishermen  and  Mic- 
macs  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Gasp6, 
but  were  forced  in  [624,  after  many  disasters,  to  aban- 
don their  task,  three  of  them  joining  the  party  at 
Quebec. 

The  little  band  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  although  thus 
reinforced,  felt  impelled,  in  1625,  to  invite  the  power- 
ful aid  of  the  Jesuits,  who  in  the  face  of  great  odds 


8 


INTRODUCTION 


'% 


«'     I,-, 


were  just  then  holding  most  successful  missions  in 
Asia,  Africa,  and  South  America,  In  lesponse  to 
the  call,  three  fathers  of  the  black  gown  came  to 
Quebec  this  year, —  Masse,  who  had  been  of  the  old 
Acadian  mission,  Charles  Lalemant,  and  that  giant 
among  them,  in  both  statute  and  deeds,  Jean  de 
Brebeuf.  Immediately  the  work  began  to  broaden, 
but  the  records  of  the  dual  mission  do  not  give 
evidence  of  many  converts, —  a  few  Huron  youth 
taken  to  France,  and  there  instructed  and  baptized, 
being  the  chief  gains.  The  wandering  habits  of 
the  Indians  were  not  favorable  to  persistent  instruc- 
tion of  the  young,  and  adults  were  unwilling  to 
commit  themselves  to  the  new  doctrine,  even  when 
not  openly  opposed  to  its  promulgation.  The  sum- 
mer months  were  usually  spent  by  the  missiona- 
ries at  Tadoussac,  Quebec,  and  Three  Rivers,  where 
trading  parties  from  the  tribes  were  wont  to  assem- 
ble; and,  when  the  latter  scattered  for  their  winter 
hunts,  the  missionaries  accompanied  them,  sharing 
the  toils,  dangers,  and  discomforts  of  the  movable 
camps,  and  often  suffering  much  from  positive  abuse 
at  the  hands  of  their  not  over- willing  hosts. 

The  settlements  of  Port  Royal  and  Quebec  were  at 
this  time  wretched  little  hamlets  of  a  few  dozen  huts 
each,  surrounded  by  a  palisade,  and  these  fell  an  easy 
prey  to  small  English  naval  forces  (1628-29).  With 
tneir  fall,  ended  the  slender  mission  of  the  RecoUets 
and  Jesuits,  who  were  in  triumph  carried  off  to  Eng- 
land. For  a  few  months,  France  did  not  hold  one  foot 
of  ground  in  North  America.  But  as  peace  had  been 
declared  between  France  and  England  before  this  con- 
quest, the  former  received  back  all  of  its  possessions, 
and  the   inevitable  struggle  for  the  mastery  of  the 


m 
4 


INTRODUCTION 


continent  was  postponed  for  four  generations  longer. 
With  the  release  of  Canada  to  France,  in  1632,  the 
Jesuits  were  by  the  home  authorities  placed  in  sole 
charge  of  the  spiritual  interests  of  both  settlers  and 
Indians,  and  the  history  of  their  greatest  missions  be- 
gins at  this  time.  On  the  fifth  of  July,  there  landed 
at  Quebec,  Fathers  Paul  le  Jeune  and  Anne  de  None, 
and  a  lay  brother  named  Gilbert.  Le  Jeune  was  the 
superior,  and  at  once  devoted  himself  to  learning  the 
language  and  customs  of  the  savages,  and  so  study- 
ing the  enormous  field  before  him  as  intelligently  to 
dispose  of  his  meagre  forces. 

The  Indians. 

The  existence  of  rival  tribes  among  the  Red 
Indians  of  North  America,  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
formidable  obstacle  in  the  path  of  the  missionaries. 
It  has  always  been  impossible  to  make  any  hard-and- 
fast  classification ;  yet  the  Indians  presented  a  consid- 
erable variety  of  types,  ranging  from  the  Southern 
Indians,  some  of  whose  tribes  were  in  a  relatively 
high  stage  of  material  advancement  and  mental 
calibre,  down  to  the  savage  root-eaters  of  the  Rocky 
Mountain  region.  The  migrations  of  some  of  the 
Indian  tribes  were  frequent,  and  they  occupied  over- 
lapping territories,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the 
tribal  boundaries  with  any  degree  of  exactness. 
Again,  the  tribes  were  so  merged  by  intermarriage, 
by  affiliation,  by  consolidation,  by  the  fact  that  there 
were  numerous  polyglot  villages  of  renegades,  by 
similarities  in  manner,  habits,  and  appearance,  that 
it  is  difficult  even  to  separate  the  savages  into 
families.  It  is  only  on  philological  grounds  that 
these  divisions  can  be  made  at  all.     In  a  general  way 


(* 


w    ^ 


10 


INTRODUCTION 


we  may  say  that  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Rock- 
ies, Hudson  Bay  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  there  were 
four  Indian  languages  in  vogue,  with  great  varieties 
of  local  dialect: 

I.  The  Algonkins  were  the  most  numerous,  hold- 
ing the  greater  portion  of  the  country  from  the  un- 
occupied "debatable  land  "  of  Kentucky  northward 
to  Hudson  Bay,  and  from  the  Atlantic  westward  to 
the  Mississippi.  Among  their  tribes  were  the  Mic- 
macs  of  Acadia,  the  Penobscots  of  Maine,  the  Mon- 
tagnais  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  ill-defined  tribes  of 
the  country  round  about  Lake  St.  John,  and  the 
Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Mascoutens,  Sacs,  Foxes,  Pot- 
tawattomies,  and  Illinois  of  the  Upper  Lakes.  These 
savages  were  rude  in  life  and  manners,  were  in- 
tensely warlike,  depended  for  subsistence  chiefly  on 
hunting  and  fishing,  lived  in  rude  wigwams  covered 
with  br.rk,  skins,  or  matted  reeds,  practised  agri- 
culture in  a  crude  fashion,  and  were  less  stable  in 
their  habitations  than  the  Southern  Indians.  They 
have  made  a  larger  figure  in  our  history  than  any 
other  family,  because  through  their  lands  came  the 
heaviest  and  most  aggressive  movement  of  white 
population,  French  or  English.  Estimates  of  early 
Indian  populations  necessarily  diifer,  in  the  absence 
of  accurate  knowledge ;  but  it  is  now  believed  that  the 
number  was  never  so  great  as  was  at  first  estimated 
by  the  Jesuit  fathers  and  the  earliest  English  colo- 
nists. A  careful  modern  evStimate  is,  that  the  Algon- 
kins at  no  time  numbered  over  90,000  souls,  and 
possibly  not  over  50,000. 

II.  In  the  heart  of  this  Algonkin  land  was  planted 
the  ethnic  group  called  the  Iroquois,  with  its  several 
distinct  branches,  often  at  war  with  each  other.     The 


I 

,1* 


if' 


-WHS^,*' 


INTRODUCTION 


11 


craftiest,  most  daring,  and  most  intelligent  of  North 
American  Indians,  yet  still  in  the  savage  hunter  state, 
the  Iroquois  were  the  terror  of  every  native  band 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  before  the  coming  of  the 
whites,  who  in  turn  learned  to  dread  their  ferocious 
power.  The  five  principal  tribes  of  this  family  — 
Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Sene- 
cas,  all  stationed  in  palisaded  villages  south  and  east 
of  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario — formed  a  loose  confeder- 
acy styled  by  themselves  and  the  French  ' '  The  Long 
House,"  and  by  the  English  "  The  Five  Nations," 
which  firmly  held  the  waterways  connecting  the 
Hudson  and  Ohio  rivers  and  the  Great  Lakes.  The 
population  of  the  entire  group  was  not  over  17,000 — 
a  remarkably  small  number,  considering  the  active 
part  they  played  in  American  history,  and  the  control 
which  they  exercised  through  wide  tracts  of  wilder- 
ness. Related  to,  but  generally  at  war  with  them, 
were  the  Hurons  of  Canada,  among  whom  the 
Jesuits  planted  their  earliest  missions.  Champlain, 
in  an  endeavor  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  his 
Huron  and  Algonkin  neighbors,  early  made  war  on 
the  Iroquois,  and  thus  secured  for  New  France  a 
heritage  of  savage  enmity  which  contributed  more 
than  any  other  one  cause  to  cripple  its  energies  and 
render  it  at  last  an  easy  prey  to  the  rival  power  of 
the  English  colonies. 

III.  The  Southern  Indians  occupied  the  country 
between  the  Tennessee  River  and  the  Gulf,  the  Ap- 
palachian Ranges  and  the  MiSvSissippi.  Of  a  milder 
disposition  than  their  Northern  cousins,  the  Chero- 
kees,  Chickasaws,  Choctaws,  Creeks,  and  Seminoles 
were  rather  in  a  barbarous  than  in  a  savage  state; 
by  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  they  were  not  far  be- 


^1 


pr^ 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


hind  the  white  proprietors  in  industrial  or  domestic 
methods,  and  numbered  not  above  50,000  persons. 
With  them,  this  story  of  the  Jesuit  missions  has  little 
to  do;  the  Louisiana  mission,  an  offshoot  of  that  of 
New  France,  did  faithful  work  here,  but  the  docu- 
mentary result  was  neither  as  interesting  nor  as  pro- 
lific, and  necessarily  occupies  but  small  space  in  the 
present  series. 

IV.  The  Dakotah,  or  Sioux,  family  occupied  for 
the  most  part  the  country  beyond  the  Mississippi. 
They  were  and  are  a  fierce,  high-strung  people,  genu- 
ine nomads,  and  war  appears  to  have  been  their  chief 
occupation.  The  Jesuits  worked  among  them  but  in 
slight  measure,  on  the  waters  of  the  Upper  Missis- 
sippi; they  met  this  family  chiefly  in  the  persons 
of  the  Winnebagoes,  one  of  their  outlying  bands, 
which  at  the  time  of  the  French  occupation  was  resi- 
dent on  and  about  Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan,  at 
peace  and  in  confederacy  with  the  Algonkins  who 
hedged  them  about. 

The  mission  of  the  French  Jesuits  to  these  widely- 
scattered  hordes  of  savages  forms  one  of  the  most 
thrilling  chapters  in  human  history.  It  is  impos- 
sible, in  this  brief  Introduction,  to  attempt  anything 
more  than  the  barest  outline  of  the  theme;  Roche- 
monteix,  Shea,  and  Parkman  have  told  the  story  in 
detail,  from  differing  points  of  view,  and  with  these 
authorities  the  student  of  the  following  documents  in 
the  case  is  presumed  to  be  familiar.  A  rapid  sum- 
mary of  results  will,  however,  be  useful;  and  this  we 
may  best  obtain,  at  the  expense  of  occasional  repeti- 
tion of  narrative,  by  following  the  fortunes  of  the 
pioneers  of  the  Cross  through  the  several  district 
missions  into  which  their  work  was  naturally  divided. 


INTRODUCTION 


13 


I.     The  Abenaki  Mission. 

This  mission  was  chiefly  in  Maine  and  Acadia,  and 
on  Cape  Breton  Island.  The  Abenakis  (or  Abnakis) 
were  a  strong  but  mild-mannered  Algonkin  tribe, 
settled  in  villages  or  cantonments;  but,  like  others  of 
their  race,  in  the  habit  of  taking  long  semi-annual 
journeys, —  each  winter  to  hunt,  and  each  vsummer  to 
fish.  We  have  seen  that  the  French  Jesuits,  Biard 
and  Mass6,  were  in  the  field  as  early  as  1611,  soon 
after  the  establishment  of  Port  Royal ;  their  prede- 
cessor being  the  vSecular  French  priest,  Flech^,  who 
had  been  introduced  to  the  country  by  Poutrincourt, 
the  patentee.  Biard  and  Mass6  met  with  many  dis- 
couragements, chiefly  the  opposition  of  Poutrincourt's 
son,  Biencourt  (sometimes  called  Baron  St.  Just), 
who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  colony.  Never- 
theless the  missionaries  learned  the  native  language, 
and  made  many  long  journeys  of  exploration,  one  of 
Biard 's  trips  extending  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Kennebec.  They  were  later  joined  by  a  lay  brother, 
Du  Thet,  and  by  Fathers  Quentin  and  Lalemant. 
Joining  the  new  French  colony  on  Mt.  Desert  Island, 
Hi  the  spring  of  161 3,  the  establishment  was  almost 
immediately  destroyed  by  the  Virginian  Argall.  In 
the  skirmish,  Du  Thet  was  killed. 

In  1619,  a  party  of  RecoUets,  from  Aquitaine, 
began  a  mission  on  St.  John  River,  in  Acadia,  but 
five  years  later,  as  we  have  seen  above,  abandoned 
the  task,  the  survivors  jolring  the  Quebec  mission  of 
their  order.  Other  Recollets  were  in  Acadia,  how- 
ever, between  1630  and  1633,  and  later  we  have 
evidence  of  a  small  band  of  Capuchins  ministering 
to  French  settlers  on  the  Penobscot  and  Kennebec; 


I 


14 


INTRODUCTION 


in 


|fi 


but  it  is  probable  that  they  made  no  attempt  to  con- 
vert the  natives. 

A  Jesuit  mission  was  founded  on  Cape  Breton  in 
1634,  by  Father  Julian  Perrault;  and  a  few  years 
later,  Father  Charles  Turgis  was  at  Miscou.  Other 
missionaries  soon  came  to  minister  to  the  Micmacs, 
but  for  many  years  their  efforts  were  without  result ; 
and  sickness,  resulting  from  the  hardships  of  the 
situation,  caused  most  of  the  early  black  gowns  to 
retreat  from  the  attempt.  Finally,  an  enduring 
mission  was  established  among  these  people,  and, 
until  about  1670,  was  conducted  with  some  measure 
of  success  by  Fathers  Andrew  Richard,  Martin  de 
Lyonne,  and  James  Fremin.  About  1673,  the  Recol- 
lets  took  up  the  now  abandoned  work,  occasionally 
aided  by  secular  priests  from  the  Seminary  of  Que- 
bec, and  Jesuits,  until  at  last  the  Micmacs  from  Gasp6 
to  Nova  Scotia  were  declared  to  be  entirely  converted 
to  the  Catholic  faith. 

Father  Gabriel  Druillettes,  of  the  Jesuit  mission  at 
Sillery,  near  Quebec,  went  to  the  Kennebec  country 
in  1646,  invited  thither  by  converted  Abenakis  who 
had  been  at  Sillery,  and  during  visits,  extending 
through  a  period  of  eleven  years,  was  more  than 
ordinarily  successful  in  the  task  of  gaining  Indian 
converts  to  Christianity.  In  1650,  he  made  a  notable 
visit  to  the  Puritans  of  Eastern  Massachusetts,  during 
which  was  discussed  the  proposed  union  between 
New  France  and  New  England,  against  the  Iroquois. 
Upon  the  final  departure  of  Druillettes  in  1657,  the 
Abenakis  were  but  spasmodically  served  with  mis- 
sionaries; occasionally  a  Jesuit  appeared  among 
them,  but  the  field  could  not  be  persistently  worked, 
owing  to  the  demands  upon  the  order  from  other 


I 


\i 


INTRODUCTION 


15 


quarters.  The  fathers  now  sought  to  draw  Abenaki 
converts  to  Sillery,  and  later  to  St.  Francis  de  Sales, 
at  the  falls  of  the  Chaudi^re,  which  soon  became  al- 
most exclusively  an  Abenaki  mission. 

In  1688,  Father  Bigot,  of  this  mission,  again  en- 
tered the  field  of  the  Kennebec,  at  the  same  time  that 
Rev.  Peter  Thury,  a  priest  of  the  Quebec  Seminary, 
opened  a  mission  on  the  Penobscot,  and  the  Recol- 
let  F.  Simon  gathered  a  flock  at  Medoktek,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  John.  They  were  in  time  aided 
and  succeeded  by  others:  the  Jesuits  being  Julian 
Binneteau,  Joseph  Aubery,  Peter  de  la  Chasse, 
Stephen  Lauverjeat,  Loyard,  and  Sebastian  Rale; 
the  death  of  Rale,  the  greatest  of  them  all,  at  the 
hands  of  New  England  partisans  in  the  border  strife 
of  1724,  is  a  familiar  incident  in  American  history. 
Jesuits  succeeded  to  the  Penobscot  mission  in  1703, 
and  with  great  zeal,  but  amid  continual  liitrdships 
and  discouragements,  carried  on  the  principal  work 
among  the  Abenakis  until  the  downfall  of  New 
France  in  1763.  The  majority  of  the  Kennebec  con- 
verts, however,  emigrated  to  the  mission  of  St.  Fran- 
cis de  Sales,  and  from  there  frequently  went  forth 
upon  avenging  expeditions  againvSt  the  New  England 
borderers. 

II.     The  Montagnais  Mission. 

This  was  centered  at  Tadoussac,  and  ministered  to 
the  Montagnais,  Bersiamites,  Porcupines,  Oumaniwek, 
Papinachois,  and  other  tribes  of  the  Lower  St.  Law- 
rence and  the  Saguenay.  Tadoussac  had,  from  the 
earliest  historic  times,  been  a  favorite  harbor  and 
trading-station  for  the  French;  for,  being  at  the 
junction  of  two  great  rivers,  it  was  convenient  as  a 


i 


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I 


11. 


16 


INTRODUCTION 


i:il 


)'.< 
\'-'\ 


place  of  assembly  for  the  natives  of  the  lower  coun- 
try. The  first  priests  in  the  district  had  said  mass 
there;  but  it  was  not  until  1640  that  a  Jesuit  mission 
was  formed  by  Father  Jean  du  Quen,  its  sphere  of 
influence  soon  reaching  to  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Saguenay,  Lake  St.  John,  Hudson  Bay,  and  the  coast 
of  Labrador.  Du  Quen  was  actively  assisted  by 
Charles  Meiachkwat,  a  Montagnais  convert,  who 
erected  the  first  chapel,  became  a  catechist,  and  made 
extended  tours  through  the  neighboring  tribes.  In 
time,  there  were  associated  with  Du  Quen,  Fathers 
Buteux  and  Druillettes.  Protracted  missionary  tours 
were  made  by  them,  with  results  which  were  con- 
sidered satisfactory  as  compared  with  other  missions ; 
although  they  had  serious  difficulties  to  contend  with, 
in  the  prevalent  intemperance  which  the  fur  trade  in- 
troduced among  the  natives,  the  belief  in  dreams, 
the  laxity  of  morals,  and  the  wiles  of  medicine-men, 
or  sorcerers,  as  they  were  called  by  the  Jesuits. 

For  the  finst  few  years,  the  missionaries  spent 
their  winters  in  Quebec,  ministering  to  the  colonists, 
and  each  spring  went  down  to  Tadoussac  to  meet  the 
summer  trading  parties;  but  greater  persistency  of 
effort  was  deemed  desirable,  and  thereafter,  instead 
of  returning  home  in  the  autumn,  they  followed  the 
Indians  upon  their  winter  hunts,  and  in  the  course  of 
these  wanderings  endured  the  usual  privations  and 
hardships  of  traveling  camps.  Bailloquet,  Nouvel, 
Beaulieu,  Albanel,  De  Crepieul,  Dalmas,  Boucher, 
Peter  Micha^'Laure,  and  Jean  Baptiste  Labrosse, 
are  other  names  of  Jesuit  fathers  who  at  different 
periods  were  engaged  upon  this  toilsome  mission. 

In  1670,  Tadoussac  was  almost  deserted,  owing  to 
Iroquois  raids  and  the  ravages  of  smallpox  ;  the  Mon- 


I 


INTRODUCTION 


17 


■'':if 


tagnais  and  kindred  tribes  were  in  hiding,  through 
the  vast  country  between  Lake  St.  John  and  Hudson 
Bay.  They  were  still  followed  by  their  devoted 
shepherds,  whom  no  hardship  could  discourage.  The 
following  year,  Crepieul  began  a  mission  on  Hud- 
son Bay,  and  here  in  1694  his  auxiliary  Dalmas  was 
killed.  Laure  (1720-37)  left  us  a  monument  of  his 
labors  in  a  Montagnais  grammar  and  dictionary.  La- 
brosse,  the  last  of  his  order  at  Tadoussac,  instructed 
many  of  his  flock  to  read  and  write,  and  left  a  legacy 
of  native  education,  which  has  lasted  unto  the  pres- 
ent day;  he  lived  and  taught  long  after  his  order 
had  been  suppressed  in  New  France,  and  died  at  Ta- 
doussac in  1782. 

HI.     The  Quebec  and  Montreal  Missions. 

These  included  the  several  missions  at  Quebec, 
Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  Sillery,  Becancourt,  and  St. 
Francis  de  Sales,  which  were  designed  for  the  wan- 
dering Montagnais  of  the  district,  those  Algonkins  of 
the  West  who  could  be  induced  to  come  and  settle  on 
the  lower  waters,  and  in  later  years  such  Abenakis  of 
Acadia  and  Maine  as  sought  an  asylum  upon  dis- 
tinctively French  soil. 

We  have  seen  that  Recollets  were  first  at  Quebec, 
ministering  both  to  colonists  and  Indians,  and  that,  in 
1625,  they  invited  the  Jesuits  to  aid  them.  In  1629, 
the  joint  mission  came  to  a  close  through  the  sur- 
render of  Quebec  to  the  English.  When  the  mission 
was  reopened  in  1632,  Jesuits  alone  were  in  charge, 
their  operations  being  at  first  confined  to  the  neigh- 
boring Montagnais,  although  they  soon  spread 
throughout  the  entire  Canadian  field.  In  1658, 
Bishop    Laval    founded    the    Seminary   of    Quebec, 


\ 


w 


K1 


!■ 


ill!' 


•Ill 


18 


INTRODUCTION 


whereupon  the  Jesuits  resigned  their  parishes  among 
the  eolonists,  and  thereafter  eonfined  themselves  to 
their  eollcge  and  the  Indian  missions.  In  addition  to 
their  parish  work,  the  priests  of  the  seminary  eon- 
ducted  missions  in  Acadia,  Illinois,  and  on  tlie  lower 
Mississippi. 

The  year  following  the  return  of  the  Jesuits  to 
Canada,  Father  Buteux,  of  that  order,  began  his 
labors  at  Three  Rivers,  which  was  a  convenient  gath- 
ering-place for  the  fur  trade.  The  village  was  fre- 
quently raided  by  Iroquois,  but  remained  until  the 
fall  of  New  France  one  of  the  prominent  centers  of 
missionary  influence.  The  efforts  of  Buteux,  which 
lasted  until  his  death  at  the  hands  of  Iroquois  in 
1652,  met  with  considerable  success.  His  custom, 
like  that  of  the  other  missionaries,  was  to  be  present 
at  the  French  posts  during  the  annual  trading 
"  meets,"  and  when  the  savages  returned  to  the  wil- 
derness, to  accompany  some  selected  band.  In  thus 
following  the  nomadic  tribes,  he  made  some  of  the 
longest  and  most  toilsome  journeys  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  and  shared  with  his 
flock  all  the  horrors  of  famine,  pestilence,  and  inter- 
tribal war. 

It  was  soon  realized  b)-  the  missionaries  that  but 
meagre  results  could  be  obtained  until  the  Indians 
were  induced  to  lead  a  sedentary  life.  Their  wander- 
ing habit  nullified  all  attempts  at  permanent  instruc- 
tion to  the  young;  it  engendered  improvidence  and 
laziness,  bred  famine  and  disease;  and  the  constant 
struggle  to  kill  fur-bearing  animals  for  their  pelts 
rapidly  depleted  the  game,  while  the  fur  trade 
wrought  contamination  in  many  forms.  Missionary 
efforts  were  at  first  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the 


INTRODUCTION 


19 


nonary 
of  the 


fur  trade,  by  bringing  far-distant  tribes  within  the 
sphere  of  French  influence ;  but  so  soon  as  the  Jesuit 
sought  to  change  the  habits  of  the  natives,  to  cause 
them  to  become  agriculturists  instead  of  hunters, 
and  to  oppose  the  rum  traffic  among  them,  then  the 
grasping  commercial  monopoly  which  controlled  the 
fortunes  of  New  France,  and  was  merely  "working  " 
the  colony  for  financial  gains,  saw  in  the  Jesuit  an 
enemy,  and  often  placed  serious  obstacles  in  his  path. 
In  pursuance  of  the  sedentary  policy,  and  also  to 
protect  the  wretched  Montagnais  from  Iroquois  war- 
parties,  the  Jesuits,  in  1637,  established  for  them  a 
palisaded  mission  four  miles  above  Quebec,  at  first 
giving  it  the  name  St.  Joseph,  but  later  that  of  Sil- 
lery,  in  honor  of  Commander  Noel  Brulart  de  Sillery, 
of  France,  who  had  given  ample  funds  for  the  found- 
ing of  this  enterprise.  Here  were  at  first  gathered 
twenty  of  the  Indians,  who  began  cultivation  of  the 
soil,  varied  by  occasional  hunting  and  fishing  trips, 
which  the  missionaries  could  not  prevent.  The  little 
town  slowly  grew  in  importance,  both  Algonkins  and 
Montagnais  being  represented  in  its  population. 
Three  years  later,  nuns  opened  a  hospital  at  Sillery, 
for  the  reception  of  both  French  and  Indian  pa- 
tients, and  thus  greatly  added  to  the  popularity  of 
the  mission.  But  in  1646  the  nuns  removed  their 
hospital  to  Quebec ;  a  few  years  later,  the  church  and 
mission  house  were  destroyed  by  fire ;  disease  made 
sad  havoc  in  the  settlement ;  the  thin  soil  became  ex- 
hausted through  careless  tillage;  Iroquois  preyed 
upon  the  converts,  until  at  last  the  Algonkins  almost 
entirely  disappeared;  and  although  their  place  was 
taken  by  Abenakis  from  Maine  and  Acadia,  until  the 
attendance  became  almost  solely  Abenaki,  the  enter- 


I 


\ 


II 


ij 


20 


INTRODUCTION 


<n 


prise  waned.  In  1685,  it  was  abandoned  in  favor  of  St. 
Franeis  de  Sales,  a  new  mission  established  at  the 
falls  of  the  Chauditire  River,  not  far  from  the  St.  Law- 
rence. Beyond  a  monument  of  later  days,  to  the  mem- 
ory of  Fathers  Masse*  and  De  None,  whose  names  are 
prominently  connected  with  this  work,  nothinjr  now 
remains  to  mark  the  site  of  the  old  Sillery  mission. 

From  St.  Francis,  the  mission  work  began  to  spread 
into  Maine.  Of  its  character  and  extent  there,  men- 
tion has  already  been  made.  vSt.  Francis  achieved  a 
certain  measure  of  prosperity,  as  Indian  missions  go. 
It  became  in  time  a  source  of  serious  trouble  to  the 
New  England  borderers,  for  many  a  French  and  In- 
dian war-party  was  here  fitted  out  against  the  latter, 
during  the  series  of  bloody  conflicts  which  marked 
the  three-quarters  of  a  century  previous  to  the  fall 
of  New  France.  Finally,  in  September,  1759,  Maj. 
Robert  Rogers  descended  upon  the  village  with  his 
famous  rangers,  and  in  retaliation  pillaged  and 
burned  the  houses,  and  killed  "at  least  two  hundred 
Indians, "  New  France  soon  after  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  and,  the  Jesuits  being  suppressed,  we 
hear  little  more  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales. 

In  1 64 1,  the  missionary  settlement  of  Montreal  was 
founded  by  Maisonneuve.  The  Jesuits  were  the 
first  resident  clergy,  and  soon  began  mission  work 
among  the  neighboring  Indians  and  those  who  re- 
sorted thither  from  the  valleys  of  the  Lower  St.  Law- 
rence and  the  Ottawa.  Soon,  however,  the  Sulpi- 
tians,  established  in  Paris  by  the  Abbe  Olier,  one  of 
the  Society  of  Montreal,  took  charge  of  the  mission 
on  Montreal  Island,  which  in  after  years  was  moved 
to  the  Sault  au  RecoUet,  and  thence  to  the  Lake  of 
the  Two  Mountains,  where  there  was  gathered  a  poly- 


I 


INTRODUCTION 


21 


r  of  St. 
at  the 
t.  Law- 
emem- 
nes  are 
n^  now 
riission. 
» spread 
e,  men- 
ieved  a 
ions  go. 
3  to  the 
and  In- 
e  latter, 
marked 
the  fall 
59,  Maj. 
with  his 
^ed    and 
hundred 
le  hands 
ssed,  we 

real  was 
rere   the 
on  work 
who  re- 
st. Law- 
!  Sulpi- 
,  one  of 
mission 
moved 
Lake  of 
1  a  poly- 


pi 


glot  vilkige  composed  of  Irociuois,  Alj^onkins,  and 
Nipissings.  Upon  the  opening  of  the  ICnglish 
r(jgime,  the  Jesuit  and  Rccollet  missions  were  sup- 
pressed, but  those  of  the  vSulpitians  were  undisturbed, 
so  that  this  mission  at  the  lake  is  the  oldest  now  ex- 
tant in  Canada. 

Among  the  Algonkins  of  the  Ottawa  River  (or 
Grande  Riviere),  no  permanent  missions  were  attempt- 
ed by  any  of  the  orders.  Long  the  cliicf  highway  to 
the  West,  the  river  was  familiar  to  travelling  mission- 
aries, who  frequently  ministered  to  the  tribesmen 
along  its  banks,  either  at  the  native  villages  or  dur- 
ing the  anmuil  trading  eoimeils  at  the  French  posts  of 
Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  and  Quebec. 

IV.     The  Huron  Mission. 

At  the  time  of  the  advent  of  the  French,  the 
Hurons  (or  Wyandots),  allied  in  origin  and  language 
to  the  Iroquois,  numbered  about  16,000  souls,  and 
dwelt  in  several  large  villages  in  a  narrow  district 
on  the  high  ground  between  Lake  Simcoe  and  Geor- 
gian Bay  of  Lake  Huron.  Their  dwellings  weu 
bark  cabins,  clustered  within  stoutly-palisaded  waTl«, 
and  near  each  fortified  town  were  fields  of  corn, 
beans,  pumpkins,  and  tobacco.  Agricultural  in  habit, 
keen  traders,  and  in  the  main  sedentary,  these  semi- 
naked  savages  made  short  hunting  and  fishing  expedi- 
tions, and  laid  up  stores  for  the  winter.  They  were 
better  fighters  than  the  Algonkins  around  them,  yet 
were  obliged  gradually  to  withdraw  northward  and 
westward  from  Iroquois  persecution,  and  during  the 
period  of  the  Jesuit  missions  were  almost  annihilated 
by  the  latter.  To  the  southwest,  across  a  wide  stretch 
of  unpopulated  forest,  were  the  allies  and  kindred  of 


4 


22 


INTRODUCTION 


the  Hurons,  the  Tionontates,  called  also  Petuns,  or 
Tobacco  Nation,  a  term  having  its  origin  in  their 
custom  of  cultivating  large  fields  of  tobacco,  which 
commodity  they  used  in  a  wide-spread  barter  with 
other  tribes.  To  the  southeast  of  the  Petuns,  west 
of  Lake  Ontario  and  on  both  sides  of  the  gorge  of 
Niagara,  were  the  peaceful  Atiwandaronks,  who,  be- 
ing friends  alike  of  Iroquois,  Algonkins,  and  Hurons, 
were  known  as  the  Neutral  Nation.  To  the  east- 
ward of  the  Neutrals,  strongly  intrenched  in  the  in- 
terlocking basins  of  the  Genesee  and  the  Mohawk, 
lay  the  dread  confederacy  of  the  Iroquois,  who  in 
time  were  to  spread  like  a  pestilence  over  the  lands 
of  all  their  neighbors. 

The  intelligence  and  mobility  of  the  Hurons  ren- 
dered the  early  prospects  for  missionary  effort  among 
them  more  promising  than  with  the  rude  and  no- 
madic Algonkins.  But  while  at  first  the  missionaries 
of  New  France  were  well  received,  the  innate  savage- 
ry of  these  people  in  time  asserted  itself.  Their 
medicine-men,  as  bitterly  fanatical  as  the  howling 
dervishes  of  the  Orient,  plotted  the  destruction  of 
the  messengers  of  the  new  faith;  the  introduction 
of  European  diseases  was  attributed  to  the  ' '  black 
gowns;"  the  ravages  of  the  Iroquois  were  thought  to 
be  broiight  on  by  the  presence  of  the  strangers ;  the 
rites  of  the  church  were  looked  upon  as  infernal  in- 
cantations, and  the  lurid  pictures  of  the  Judgment, 
which  were  displayed  in  the  lit Je  forest  chapels, 
aroused  unspeakable  terror  among  this  simple  people ; 
finally,  an  irresistible  wave  of  superstitious  frenzy 
led  to  the  blotting  out  of  the  mission,  accompanied 
by  some  of  the  most  I-  rt-rending  scenes  in  the 
history  of  Christian  evangelization. 


!  \ 


-4? 


INTRO  D  UCTION 


23 


ms,  or 
I  their 
which 
sr  with 
3,  west 
Drge  of 
ho,  be- 
[urons, 
e  east- 
the  in- 
ohawk, 
who  in 
e  lands 

»ns  ren- 
among 
md  no- 
ionaries 
savage- 
Their 
lowling 
tion  of 
iduction 
black 
ught  to 
3rs;  the 
rnal  in- 
gment, 
hapels, 
people ; 
frenzy 
npanied 
in   the 


It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1615  the  R^collet 
friar,  Joseph  le  Caron,  made  his  way  into  the  far-away 
country  of  the  Hurons,  but  returned  in  the  following 
year,  having  learned  much  of  their  language  and  cus- 
toms. Five  years  later,  another  of  his  order,  William 
Poulin,  took  up  the  weary  task,  being  joined  in  7623  by 
Fathers  Le  Caron  and  Nicholas  Viel,  and  the  historian 
of  the  Recollet  missions,  Brother  Gabriel  Sagard.  All 
of  them  soon  left  the  field,  however,  save  Viel,  who 
alone,  amid  almost  incredible  hardships,  attained  some 
measure  of  success;  but  in  1625,  when  descending  the 
Ottawa  to  meet  and  arrange  for  co-operation  with  the 
Jesuit  Brebeuf,  at  Three  Rivers,  he  was  willfully 
drowned  by  his  Indian  guide  in  the  last  rapid  of  Des 
Prairies  River,  just  back  of  Montreal.  Such  is  the 
origin  of  the  name  of  the  dread  Sault  au  Recollet. 

In  1626,  the  Jesuits  Brebeuf  and  Anne  de  NouS, 
having  received  some  linguistic  instruction  from  Re- 
collets  who  had  been  in  the  Huron  field,  proceeded 
thither,  with  a  Recollet  friar,  Joseph  de  la  Roche 
Daillon,  to  resume  the  work  which  the  Recollets  had 
abandoned.  Daillon  attempted  a  mission  to  neigh- 
boring Neutrals,  but,  being  roughly  handled  by 
them,  rejoined  his  Jesuit  friends  among  the  Hurons. 
Two  years  later,  he  returned  to  Quebec,  having  been 
preceded  by  De  None,  who  found  it  impossible  to 
master  the  difficult  language  of  their  dusky  flock. 
Brebeuf,  now  left  alone,  labored  gallantly  among 
these  people,  and,  winning  the  hearts  of  many  by 
his  easy  adoption  of  their  manners,  gathered  about 
him  a  little  colony  of  those  favorably  inclined  to  his 
views.  He  was  recalled  to  Quebec  in  1629,  arriving 
there  just  in  time  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  Louis 
Kirk,  and  be  transported  to  England. 


)  1 
1  I 
f  11 


\ 


M     I      mm 


24 


INTRODUCTION 


When  Canada  was  restored  to  France,  by  the 
treaty  of  St.  Germain,  the  Jesuits  were  given  sole 
charge  af  the  Indian  missions,  but  it  was  1634  before 
the  Huron  mission  could  be  reopened.  In  Septem- 
ber, Brebeuf,  Antoine  Daniel,  and  Davost  returned 
to  Br^beuf's  old  field,  and  commenced,  in  the  large 
town  of  Ihonatiria,  the  greatest  Jesuit  mission  in  the 
hivStory  of  New  France.  Others  soon  joined  them. 
Additional  missions  were  opened  in  neighboring 
towns,  some  of  the  strongest  of  these  being  each 
served  by  four  fathers,  who  were  assisted  by  laymen 
donnes,  or  given  men);  while  in  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil,  and  the  fashioning  of  implements  and  utensils 
both  for  the  fathers  and  for  the  Indians,  numerous 
hired  laborers,  from  the  French  colonies  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  were  employed  in  and  about  the  missions. 
Charles  Gamier  and  Isaac  Jogues,  with  their  attend- 
ants, made  a  tour  of  the  Petun  villages ;  other  Jesuits 
were  sent  among  the  Neutrals ;  and  even  the  Algon- 
kins  as  far  northwestward  as  Sault  Ste.  Marie  were 
visited  (1641)  by  Raymbault  and  Jogues,  and  looked 
and  listened  with  awe  at  the  celebration  of  the  mass. 
In  1639,  there  was  built,  on  the  River  Wye,  the  forti- 
fied mission  house  of  St.  Mary's,  to  serve  as  a  center 
for  the  wide-spread  work,  as  a  place  for  ecclesiastical 
retreat  for  the  fathers,  and  a  refuge  when  enemies 
pressed  too  closely  upon  them. 

The  story  of  the  hardships  and  sufferings  of  the 
devoted  missionaries,  as  told  us  by  Rochemonteix, 
Shea,  and  Parkman,  and  with  rare  modesty  recordea 
in  the  documents  to  be  contained  in  this  series,  is 
one  of  the  most  thrilling  in  the  annuls  of  humanity. 
Space  forbids  us  here  to  dwell  upon  the  theme.  No 
men   have,    in  the  zealous  exercise   of   their  faith, 


INTRODUCTION 


25 


perfi.-  med  hardier  deeds  than  these  Jesuits  of  the 
[uron  mission ;  yet,  after  three  years  of  unremitting 
toil,  they  could  (1640)  count  but  a  hundred  converts 
out  of  a  population  of  16,000,  and  these  were  for  the 
most  part  .sick  infants  or  aged  persons,  who  had  died 
soon  after  baptism.  The  rugged  braves  scorned  the 
approaches  of  the  fathers,  and  unmercifully  tormented 
their  converts;  the  medicine-men  waged  continual 
warfare  on  their  work;  smallpox  and  the  Iroquois 
were  decimating  the  people. 

Jogues  was  (1642)  sent  down  to  the  colonies  for 
supplies  for  the  missions,  but  with  his  Huron  com- 
panions was  captured  by  an  Iroquois  war-party,  who 
led  them  to  the  Mohawk  towns.  There  most  of  the 
Hurons  were  killed,  and  Jogues  and  his  donne,  Ren^ 
Goupil,  were  tortured  and  mutilated,  and  made  to 
serve  as  slaves  to  their  savage  jailers.  Finally  Gou- 
pil, a  promising  young  physician,  was  killed,  and 
Jogues,  being  rescued  by  the  Dutch  allies  of  the 
Mohawks,  was  .sent  to  Europe.  Supplies  thus  fail- 
ing them,  the  Huron  missionaries  were  in  a  .sad 
plight  until  finally  (1644)  relieved  by  an  expedition 
to  the  lower  country  undertaken  at  great  hazards  by 
Brebeuf,  Garreau,  and  Noel  Chabanel.  The  same 
season,  Francis  Joseph  Bressani,  attempting  to  reach 
the  Huron  missions,  had  been  captured  and  tortured 
by  Mohawks;  like  Jogues,  he  was  rescued  through 
Dutch  intercession  and  sent  back  to  Europe,  but  both 
of  these  zealots  were  soon  back  again  facing  the  cruel 
dangers  01  their  chosen  task. 

A  temporary  peace  followed,  in  1645,  and  the  hope 
of  the  Jesuits  was  rekindled,  for  they  now  had  five 
mis.sions  in  as  many  Huron  towns,  and  another 
established  for  Algonkins  who  were  resident  in  the 


26 


INTRODUCTION 


\ 


Huron  district.  But  in  July,  1648,  the  Iroquois  at- 
tacked Teanaustaye,  the  chief  Huron  village,  and 
while  encouraging  the  frenzied  defense  Father  Daniel 
lost  his  life  at  the  hanHs  of  the  enemy.  He  was 
thus  the  first  Jesuit  martyr  in  the  Huron  mission, 
and  the  second  in  New  France, —  for  Jogues  had  been 
tortured  to  death  in  the  Iroquois  towns,  two  years 
before.  The  spirit  of  the  Hurons  was  crushed  in 
this  bloody  foray;  large  bands,  deserting  their 
towns,  fled  in  terror  to  seek  protection  of  the  Petuns, 
while  others  made  their  way  to  the  Manitoulin 
Islands  of  Lake  Huron,  and  even  as  far  west  as  the 
islands  of  Green  Bay  and  the  matted  pine  forests  of 
Northern  Wisconsin.  Here  and  there  a  town  was 
left,  however,  and  one  of  the  largest  of  these,  called 
St.  Ignatius  by  the  Jesuits,  was  stormed  by  a  thou- 
sand Iroquois,  March  16,  1649.  The  three  survivors 
fled  through  the  woods  to  neighboring  St.  Louis, 
where  were  Brebeuf,  now  grown  old  in  his  service 
of  toil,  and  young  Gabriel  Lalemant.  Bravely  did 
they  aid  in  defending  St.  Louis,  and  administering 
to  wounded  and  dying;  but  at  last  were  captured,  and 
being  taken  to  the  ruined  town  of  St.  Ignatius  were 
most  cruelly  tortured  until  relieved  by  death.  Early 
in  November,  Fathers  Garnier  and  Chabanel  met 
their  death  in  the  Petun  country,  the  former  at  the 
hands  of  Iroquois,  the  latter  being  killed  by  a  Huron 
who  imagined  that  the  presence  of  the  Jesuits  had 
brought  curses  upon  his  tribe. 

The  missions  in  the  Huron  country  were  now  en- 
tirely abandoned.  A  few  of  the  vsurviving  Jesuits 
followed  their  flocks  to  the  islands  in  Lake  Huron; 
but  in  June,  1650,  the  enterprise  was  forsaken,  and 
the  missionaries,  with  a  number  of  their   converts, 


If 


*■<  •am-»»tf9h#*ilM»-y« 


INTRODUCTION 


27 


aqiiois  at- 
lage,  and 
ler  Daniel 
He  was 
1  mission, 
>  had  been 
two  years 
-ushed  in 
ing  their 
le  Petuns, 
lanitoulin 
est  as  the 
forests  of 
town  was 
;se,  called 
yy  a  thou- 
survivors 
k.  Louis, 
is  service 
avely  did 
inistering 
ured,  and 
^tius  were 
Early 
•anel  met 
ner  at  the 
'•  a  Huron 
isuits  had 

e  now  en- 
g  Jesuits 
;e  Huron; 
iken,  and 
converts, 


retired  to  a  village,  founded  for  them,  on  the  Island 
of  Orleans,  near  Quebec.  This  settlement  being  iu 
time  ravaged  by  the  Iroquois,  a  final  stand  was  made 
at  Lorette,  also  in  the  outskirts  of  Quebec,  which 
mission  exists  to  this  day. 

The  great  Huron  mission,  which  had  been  con- 
ducted for  i-Vi^'^-ty-five  years,  had  employed  twenty- 
nine  missionaries,  of  whom  seven  had  lost  their  lives 
in  the  work.  This  important  field  forsaken,  many 
of  the  missionaries  had  returned  to  Europe  disheart- 
ened, and  apparently  the  future  for  Jesuit  missions 
in  New  France  looked  gloomy  enough.  The 
Iroquois  had  now  practically  destroyed  the  Montag- 
nais  between  Quebec  and  the  Saguenay,  the  Algon- 
kins  of  the  Ottawa,  and  the  Hurons,  Petuns,  and 
Neutrals.  The  French  colonies  of  Quebec,  Three 
Rivers,  and  Montreal,  had  suffered  from  repeated 
raids  of  the  New  York  confederates,  and  their  forest 
trade  was  now  almost  wholly  destroyed.  In  this  hour 
of  darkness,  light  suddenly  broke  upon  New  France. 
The  politic  Iroquois,  attacked  on  either  side  by  the 
Eries  and  the  Susquehannas,  and  fearing  that  while 
thus  engaged  their  northern  victims  might  revive 
for  combined  vengeance,  sent  overtures  of  peace  to 
Quebec,  and  cordially  invited  to  their  cantonments 
the  once  detested  black  gowns. 

V.     The  Iroquois  Mission. 

Champlain  had  early  made  enemies  of  the  Iroquois, 
by  attacking  them  as  the  allies  of  his  Algonkin  neigh- 
bors. This  enmity  extended  to  all  New  France, 
and  lasted,  with  brief  intervals  of  peace,  for  over 
half  a  century.  We  have  seen  that  Jogues  was  the 
first  of  his  order  (1642)  to  enter  the  Iroquois  country. 


■^■^ 


28 


INTRO  D  UCTION 


as  a  prisoner  of  the  Mohawks,  the  easternmost  of  the 
five  tribes  of  the  confederacy.  Two  years  later,  Bres- 
sani,  while  on  his  way  to  the  Huron  missions,  was  also 
captured  by  the  Mohawks,  passed  through  a  similar 
experience  of  torture,  was  sold  to  the  Dutch,  and 
transported  back  to  France,  and  again  like  Jogues 
resumed  his  hazardous  task  of  attempting  to  tame  the 
American  savage.  During  the  first  peace  ( May, 
1646),  Jogues,  now  in  civilian  costume,  paid  a  brief 
visit  to  his  former  tormentors  on  the  Mohawk,  this 
time  conveying  only  expressions  of  good- will  from 
the  governor  of  New  France.  His  political  errand 
accomplished,  he  returned  to  Quebec;  but  in  August 
was  back  again,  with  a  young  French  attendant 
named  Lalande,  intent  on  opening  a  mission  among 
the  Iroquois.  Meanwhile,  there  had  been  a  revul- 
sion of  sentiment  on  their  part,  and  the  two  French- 
men had  no  sooner  reached  the  Mohawk  than  they 
were  tortured  and  killed. 

During  an  Iroquois  attack  upon  Quebec,  seven 
years  later  (1653),  Father  Joseph  Anthony  Poncet 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  marauders  and  carried  to 
the  Mohawk,  where  he  suffered  in  the  same  manner 
as  his  predecessors ;  but  his  captors  being  now  desir- 
ous of  a  renewal  of  peace  with  the  French,  spared 
his  life,  and  sent  him  back  to  Quebec  with  overtures 
for  a  renewal  of  negotiations.  Early  in  July,  1654, 
Father  Simon  le  Moyne  was  sent  forth  upon  a  tour 
of  inspection,  and  returned  to  Quebec  in  September, 
with  glowing  reports  of  the  fervor  of  his  reception 
by  both  Mohawks  and  Onondagas.  It  was  deter- 
mined to  rear  a  mission  among  the  latter,  and  thither 
(1655), —  ^  four  weeks'  voyage, —  proceeded  Claude 
Dablon  and  Peter  Mary  Joseph  Chaumonot;  while. 


INTRODUCTION 


29 


5t  of  the 
er,Bres- 
was  alvSO 

similar 
ch,  and 

Jogues 
ame  the 

(May, 

I  a  brief 
wk,  this 

II  from 
1  errand 

August 
;tendant 
among 
a  revul- 
French- 
lan  they 

,  seven 
Poncet 
ried  to 

manner 

w  desir- 
spared 

Aertures 
1654, 
a  tour 
ember, 

ception 
deter- 
thither 
Claude 
while, 


to  appease  the  jealous  Mohawks,  Le  Moyne  at  the 
same  time  reopened  a  brief  but  unprosperous  mis- 
sion among  that  tribe. 

At  first,  Dablon  and  Chaumonot  had  high  hopes  of 
their  Onondaga  enterprise;  but  mistrust  soon  arose 
in  the  minds  of  the  natives,  and  Dablon  found  it 
necessary  to  proceed  to  Quebec  and  obtain  fresh 
evidences  of  the  friendship  of  the  French.  He  re- 
turned in  the  early  summer  of  1656,  accompanied  by 
Fathers  Francis  Le  Mercier,  superior  of  the  Canadian 
mission,  and  Rene  Menard,  two  lay  brothers,  and  a 
party  of  French  colonists  under  a  militia  captain, 
who  designed  founding  a  settlement  in  the  land  of 
the  Iroquois.  By  the  close  of  the  year,  the  work 
was  in  a  promising  stage ;  a  number  of  Christianized 
Hurons,  who  had  been  adopted  into  the  confederacy, 
formed  a  nucleus  for  proselyting,  several  Iroquois 
converts  had  been  made,  and  all  five  of  the  tribes 
had  been  visited  by  the  missionaries. 

Fathers  Paul  Ragueneau  and  Joseph  Imbert 
Duperon,  who  had  been  sent  out  from  Quebec  in 
July,  1657,  to  assist  the  Onondaga  mission,  reached  it 
only  after  many  perils  en  route  ;  for  meanwhile, 
there  had  been  a  fresh  Iroquois  uprising  against  the 
Hurons  and  Ottawas,  in  which  Father  Leonard  Gar- 
reau  lost  his  life  near  Montreal,  and  the  entire  confed- 
eracy was  soon  in  an  uproar  against  the  white  allies 
of  its  ancient  enemies.  The  intrepid  Le  Moyne 
joined  the  party  in  November,  and  in  the  following 
March  (1658),  on  learning  that  all  of  the  French  had 
been  condemned  to  death,  the  entire  colony  stole 
away  in  the  night,  and  reached  Montreal  only  after  a 
long  and  hazardous  voyage.  The  great  Iroquois  mis- 
sion,  which   had  promised  so  happily  and   cost    so 


80 


INTRODUCTION 


%\ 


Mi  I 


I      ^   ( 


!  \ 


much  in  blood  and  treasure,  was  now  thought  to  be 
a  thing  of  the  past. 

There  was,  however,  still  another  chapter  to  the 
story.  In  the  vSummer  of  1660,  after  two  years  of 
bloody  forays  against  New  France,  a  Cayuga  sachem, 
who  had  been  converted  at  Onondaga,  came  to  Mont- 
real as  a  peace  messenger,  asking  for  another  black 
gown  to  minister  to  the  native  converts  and  a  number 
of  French  captives  in  the  Iroquois  towns.  Once 
more,  Le  Moyne  cheerfully  set  out  upon  what  seemed 
a  path  to  death;  but  he  passed  the  winter  without 
molestation,  and  in  the  spring  following  was  allowed 
to  return  to  Canada  with  the  French  prisoners. 

It  was  five  years  later  (1665),  before  the  govern- 
ment of  New  France  felt  itself  sufficiently  strong  to 
threaten  chastisement  of  the  raiding  Iroquois,  who 
had  long  been  making  life  a  torment  in  the  colonies 
on  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  Oneidas,  Onondagas, 
Cayugas,  and  Senecas  sued  for  peace ;  but  the  Mo- 
hawks were  obstinate,  and  their  villages  were  wasted 
by  fire  until  they  too  asked  for  mercy  and  the  minis- 
trations of  the  Jesuits.  Fathers  James  Fremin, 
James  Bruyas,  and  John  Pierron  were  sent  out  in 
1667;  later,  they  were  assisted  by  Julian  Garnier, 
Stephen  de  Carheil,  Peter  Milet,  and  Boniface,  so 
that  by  the  close  of  1668  a  mission  was  in  progress  in 
each  of  the  five  cantonments.  A  few  notable  con- 
verts were  made,  among  them  Catharine  Tegakouita, 
known  as  the  ' '  Iroquois  saint ;  ' '  Catharine  Ganneak- 
tena,  an  Erie  captive  who  afterwards  founded  a 
native  mission  village  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence; the  head-men  Assendas6,  Kryn,  and  Soenrese. 
But  a  great  success  was  never  possible ;  here  as  else- 
where, the  vices  and  superstitions  of  the  tribesmen 


\i\ 


INT  ROD  UCTION 


81 


it  to  be 

to  the 
^ears  of 
jachem, 
3  Ment- 
or black 
number 
,  Once 
seemed 
without 
allowed 

govern - 
trong  to 
)is,  who 
colonies 
)ndagas, 
the  Mo- 
3  wasted 
e  minis- 
Fremin, 
t  out  in 
jarnier, 

ace,   so 

jress  in 
Die  con- 
akouita, 

anneak- 
mded  a 
it.  Law- 
oenrese. 

as  else- 
ibesmen 


were  deep-rooted,  and  they  had  not  yet  reached  a 
stage  of  culture  where  the  spiritual  doctrines  of 
Christianity  appealed  strongly,  save  to  a  few  emotion- 
al natures.  The  converts  were  subjected  to  so  many 
annoyances  and  dangers,  that  isolation  was  thought 
essential,  and  there  was  established  for  them  opposite 
Montreal  the  palisaded  mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier ; 
this  settlement,  fostered  by  the  French  as  a  buffer 
against  Iroquois  attack  on  the  colonists,  was  subse- 
quently removed  to  Sault  St.  Louis,  and  is  known  in 
our  day  as  Caughnawaga.  This  mission,  and  that 
of  the  Sulpitians  on  Montreal  Mountain  —  later  re- 
moved to  the  neighboring  Lake  of  the  Two  Mount- 
ains,—  and  at  Quinte  Bay,  were  frequently  recruited 
by  Iroquois  Christians,  who  were  carefully  instructed 
by  the  missionaries  in  the  arts  of  agriculture  and  the 
rites  of  the  church. 

This  depletion  of  the  Iroquois  population  alarmed 
the  sachems  of  the  confederacy.  To  please  them, 
Governor  Dongan  of  New  York,  himself  a  Catholic, 
introduced  to  the  Five  Nations  three  English  Jesuits, 
who  sought  in  vain  to  counteract  the  movement. 
The  French  did  not  abandon  the  Iroquois  mission- 
field  until  1687,  when  the  rising:  power  of  the  English 
obliged  them  to  withdraw  from  v.iie  country.  We  have, 
however,  glimpses  of  occasional  attempts  thereafter  to 
revive  the  work,  Bruyas  being  on  the  ground  in  1701, 
joined  the  following  year  by  James  de  Lamberville, 
Gamier,  and  Le  Valliant,  and  later  by  James  d'Hue 
and  Peter  de  Marieul.  The  entire  party  were  again 
driven  from  the  cantonments  in  1708,  De  Marieul  be- 
ing the  last  of  his  order  to  remain  on  duty. 

Thereafter,  the  Jesuits  were  chiefly  devoted  to 
their  mission   at   Caughnawaga,   whither  many  Iro- 


"I 


INTRODUCTION 


quois  retreated  before  the  inroads  of  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish settlers  who  were  now  crowding  upon  their 
lands.  When  the  black  gowns  were  at  last  expelled 
from  New  France,  vsecular  priests  continued  their 
work  among  the  remnants  of  those  New  York  Indians 
who  had  sought  protection  by  settling  among  the 
French  colonists  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 


('-,1 


VI.     The  Ottawa  Mission. 

This  embraced  the  tribes  beyond  Lake  Huron, —  the 
Chippewas  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  the  Beavers,  the  Crees, 
the  Ottawas  and  refugee  Hurons  on  Lake  Superior, 
the  Menomonees,  Pottawattomies,  Sacs,  Foxes,  Win- 
nebagoes,  Miamis,  Illinois,  and  those  of  the  Sioux  who 
lived  on  or  near  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  The 
Ottawas  were  the  first  Indians  from  the  upper  lakes 
to  trade  with  the  French,  hence  that  vast  district  be- 
came early  known  as  the  country  of  the  Ottawas. 

The  Huron  mission  was  the  door  to  the  Ottawa 
mission.  Jogues  and  Raimbault  were  with  the  Chip- 
pewas at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  in  1641 ;  but  it  was  nine- 
teen years  after  that  (1660),  before  they  were  followed 
by  another  Jesuit,  the  veteran  Father  Menard,  who 
accompanied  an  Ottawa  fleet  up  the  great  river  of 
that  name,  through  Lake  Huron  and  the  Sault,  and 
on  to  Keweenaw  Bay,  where  he  said  the  first  mass 
heard  on  the  shores  of  the  northern  sea.  After  a 
wretched  winter  on  that  inhospitable  coast,  spent  in 
a  shanty  of  fir  boughs,  with  savage  neighbors  who 
reviled  his  presence,  he  proceeded  inland  intent  on 
ministering  to  some  Hurons  who  had  fled  from  Iro- 
quois persecution  to  the  gloomy  pine  forest  about  the 
upper  waters  of  Black  River,  in  what  is  now  Wiscon- 
sin.    In  August,  1 66 1,  he  lost  his  life  at  a  portage, 


l^d  i: 


INTRODUCTION 


88 


id  Eng- 
n  their 
ixpelled 
;d  their 
Indians 
mg  the 


n, —  the 

e  Crees, 

iiperior, 

es,  Win- 

oux  who 

)i.     The 

)er  lakes 

.trict  be- 

was. 

J  Ottawa 

he  Chip- 

■/•-■ 

ras  nine- 

followed 

rd,   who 

'\ 

river  of 

lult,  and 

rst  mass 

>;■(, 

After  a 

'■% 

spent  in 

ors  who 

5;:' 

a; 

itent  on 

'Si- 

rom  Iro- 

bout  the 

Wiscon- 

% 

portage, 

thus  being  the  first  martyr  upon  the  Ottawa  mission. 

Four  years  later,  Claude  AlloUez  set  out  for  Lake 
Superior,  and  reaching  Chequamegon  Bay  in  October 
(1665),  built  a  little  chapel  of  bark  upon  the  south- 
west shore  of  that  rock-bound  estuary, —  the  famous 
mission  of  La  Pointe.  His  flock  was  a  medley, 
Hurons  and  Algonkins  here  clustering  in  two  vil- 
lages, where  they  lived  on  fish,  safe  at  last  from 
the  raging  Iroquois,  although  much  pestered  by  the 
wild  Sioux  of  the  West,  For  thirty  years  did  Al- 
loiiez  travel  from  tribe  to  tribe,  through  the  forests 
and  over  the  prairies  of  the  vast  wilderness  which  a 
century  later  came  to  be  organized  into  the  North- 
west Territory,  and  established  missions  at  Green 
Bay,  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  on  the  Miami,  and,  with  Mar- 
quette, among  the  Illin'^is  at  Kaskaskia. 

Later,  there  arrived  on  the  scene  Fathers  Louis 
Nicholas,  James  Marquette,  Dablon,  Louis  Andre, 
Druillettes,  Albanel,  and  others.  The  field  of  the 
Northwest  seemed  at  first,  as  did  the  Huron  mission, 
highly  promising.  The  missionaries  were  every- 
where greeted  by  large  audiences,  and  much  curiosity 
was  displayed  concerning  the  rites  of  the  church; 
but,  as  usual,  the  nomadic  habits  of  the  Indians  ren- 
dered instruction  difficult.  The  fathers,  with  great 
toil  and  misery,  and  subject  to  daily  danger  and  in- 
sult, followed  their  people  about  upon  long  hunting 
and  fishing  expeditions;  and  even  when  the  bands 
had  returned  to  the  .squalid  villages,  life  there  was 
almost  as  comfortless  as  upon  the  trail.  Among  the 
donnes  and  the  Jesuit  coadjutor  brothers  were  skillful 
workers  in  metal,  who  repaired  the  guns  and  utensils 
of  the  natives,  and  taught  them  how  best  to  obtain 
and  reduce  the  ore  from  lead  and  copper  deposits. 


» 


34 


Ml 


'  i) 


ii 


INTRODUCTION 


^ 


We  have  evidence  that  the  copper  region  of  Lake 
Superior  was  at  times  resorted  to  by  the  lay  followers 
and  their  Indian  attendants,  to  obtain  material  for 
crucifixes  and  for  the  medals  which  the  missionaries 
gave  to  c(mverts;  and  in  the  lead  mines  centering 
about  where  are  now  Dubuque,  Iowa,  and  Galena,  111., 
the  missionary  attendants  and  Indians  obtained  lead 
for  barter  with  French  fur-traders,  who,  like  the  sol- 
diers of  the  Cross,  were  by  this  time  wandering  all 
over  the  Northwest. 

Marquette  had  succeeded  Alloliez  at  La  Pointe,  in 
1669;  but  it  was  not  long  before  the  Hurons  and 
Ottawas  of  Chequr  on  Bay  foolishly  incurred  the 

fresh  hostility  of  t  vSioux,  and  the  following  year 
were  driven  eastward  like  autumn  leaves  before  a 
blast,  Marquette  established  them  in  a  new  mission, 
at  Point  St.  Ignace,  opposite  Mackinaw;  and  it  was 
from  here  that,  in  1673,  he  joined  the  party  of  Louis 
Joliet,  en  route  to  the  Mississippi  River.  The  St. 
Ignace  mission  became  the  largest  and  most  success- 
ful in  the  Northwest,  there  being  encamped  there, 
during  Marquette's  time,  about  500  Hurons  and  1,300 
Ottawas.  The  interesting  story  of  Marquette,  a  fa- 
miliar chapter  in  American  history,  will  be  fully  devel- 
oped in  the  docurr  3  of  this  series ;  and  we  shall  be 
able  to  present  f  e  first  time  a  facsimile  of  the 

original  MS.  Journal  of  his  final  and  fatal  voyage 
(1674),  which  is  preserved  among  the  many  treasures 
of  the  Jesuit  College  of  St.  Mary's,  in  Montreal. 

After  the  suspension  of  the  publication  of  the 
Relations,  in  1673,  we  obtain  few  glimpses  01  the  Ot- 
tawa mission,  save  in  the  occasional  references  of 
travelers.  The  several  local  missions  in  the  district 
were,  in  the  main,  probably  more  successful  than  those 


il 


''?? 


INTRODUCTION 


85 


of  Lake 
ollowers 
crial  for 
sionaries 
icntering 
ena,  111., 
ned  lead 
;  the  sol- 
ering  all 

\)inte,  in 
rons  and 
urred  the 
4ng  year 
before  a 
'  mission, 
nd  it  was 
of  Louis 
The    St. 
it  success- 
ed  there, 
and  1,300 
ette,  a  fa- 
lly  devel- 
e  shall  be 
ile  of  the 
al  voyage 
treasures 
treal. 
in    of   the 
^i  the  Ot- 
rences   of 
le  district 
:han  those 


% 


in  any  of  the  other  fields  of  endeavor.  La  Pointe, 
Green  Bay,  St.  Ignace  (later  Mackinac),  vSault  Ste. 
Marie,  St.  Joseph's,  and  Kaskaskia  became  the  most 
important  of  them  all ;  and  at  some  of  these  points 
Catholic  missions  are  still  maintained  by  Franciscan 
friars  and  secular  priests,  for  resident  French  Creoles 
and  Indians.  The  uprising  of  the  Foxes  against 
French  power,  which  lasted  spasmodically  from 
about  1700  to  1755,  greatly  hampered  the  work  of  the 
Jesuits;  they  did  not,  during  this  period,  entirely  ab- 
sent themselves  from  the  broad  country  of  the  Otta- 
was,  but  conversions  were  few  and  the  records  slight. 

There  was,  for  a  time,  governmental  attempt  to 
supplant  the  Western  Jesuits  with  Rdcollets.  Sev- 
eral friars  were  with  La  Salle,  who  had  a  great  antip- 
athy to  the  disciples  of  Loyola, —  Father  Hennepin's 
adventures  belong  to  this  period  of  Recollet  effort, 
his  colleagues  at  Fort  Crfevecoeur  being  Brothers 
Ribourde  and  Membr^ ;  but  their  mission  closed  with 
the  Iroquois  repulse  of  the  French  from  Cr6vecoeur, 
and  the  consequent  death  of  Ribourde.  When  La 
Salle  retired  from  the  region,  Alloliez  resumed  the 
Illinois  mission  of  the  Jesuits ;  and  soon  after  there 
arrived  upon  the  ground  Fathers  Gravier,  Marest, 
Mermet,  and  Pinet,  who,  because  of  the  more  docile 
character  of  the  tribes  collectively  known  as  the 
Illinois, — Kaskaskias,   Cahokias,   Peorias,  and  Tama- 

las, —  fomd  here  a  relatively  fruitful  field.  In 
time,  French  settlements  grew  up  around  the 
palisaded  missions,  intermarriages  occurred,  and  the 
work  flourished  for  many  years.  Black  gowns  visited 
the  prosperous  Illinois  towns  as  late  as  1781,  when 
the  death  of  Father  Meurin  closed  the  work  of  his 
order  in  the  Northwest. 


il    ! 


I  » 


36 


INTRODUCTION 


VII.     The  Louisiana  Mission.     . 

The  Jesuit  Marquette  was  in  Louisiana  in  1673, 
but  established  no  mission.  Nine  years  later,  Mem- 
bre,  of  the  Recollets,  accompanied  La  vSalle  into  the 
region,  and  instructed  natives  as  far  down  the  Missis- 
sippi as  the  mouth ;  and  with  La  Salle  at  his  death 
were  Anastasius  Douay,  of  the  Recollets,  and  the 
Sulpitian  Cavalier.  In  1698,  Francis  JoUiet  de  Mon- 
tigny  and  Anthony  Davion,  priests  of  the  Seminary 
of  Quebec,  established  missions  on  the  Yazoo,  among 
the  Natchez,  and  elsewhere  in  the  neighborhood;  to 
their  aid,  soon  came  others  of  their  house, — Si.  Come, 
Gaulin,  Fon9ault,  and  Erborie,  who  labored  until 
about  1 7 10,  when,  St.  Come  and  Fonfault  being 
killed  by  roving  India^is,  the  survivors  retired  to  the 
North.  The  Jesuit  Du  Rue  accompanied  Iberville 
into  the  country  in  1699- 1700,  followed  by  De 
Limoges  and  Donge,  of  his  order,  their  work  con- 
tinuing until  about  1 704. 

In  1 72 1,  Father  Charlevoix  reported  that  but  two 
priests  were  then  in  Louisiana,  one  at  Yazoo  and 
another  in  New  Orleans ;  at  the  latter  post,  a  chaplain 
of  some  vSort  was  established  throughout  the  French 
regime.  Capuchins  and  Jesuits  were  both  admitted  to 
Louisiana,  in  1722,  the  former  to  serve  as  priests  to 
the  French  of  the  country,  chiefly  at  New  Orleans 
and  Natchez,  while  the  Jesuits  were  restricted  to  the 
Indian  missions,  although  permitted  to  maintain  a 
house  in  the  outskirts  of  New  Orleans.  It  was  not 
long  before  the  Illinois  mission  became  attached  to 
Louisiana,  and  missionaries  for  that  field  usually  en- 
tered upon  their  work  by  way  of  the  New  Orleans 
house.     Missions  were  maintained  in  the  villages  of 


J 


'     If 
n 


•■■ff. 


■■% 


INTRODUCTION 


37 


in    1673, 
r,  Mem- 
into  the 
z  Missis- 
is  death 
and  the 
de  Mon- 
ieminary 
D,  among 
hood ;  to 
it.  Come, 
■ed  until 
It    being 
ed  to  the 
Iberville 
.    by    De 
ork  con- 
but  two 
azoo  and 
chaplain 
e  French 
mitted  to 
priests  to 
;■  Orleans 
ed  to  the 
aintain  a 
t  was  not 
tached  to 
,ually  en- 
^  Orleans 
illages  of 


-m 


the  Arkansas,  Yazoo,  Choctaws,  and  Alibamons;  but 
the  uprising  of  the  Indians  in  the  Natchez  district, 
in  1727,  led  to  the  fall  of  thcvse  several  missions,  to- 
gether with  that  of  French  colonies  above  New  Or- 
leans. Father  Du  Poissou  was  killed  by  savages  at 
Natchez,  where  he  was  temporarily  supplying  the 
French  settlers  in  the  absence  of  their  Capuchin  friar  ; 
Souel  fell  a  victim  to  the  Yazoos,  at  whose  hands 
Doutreleau  narrowly  escaped  destruction.  However, 
the  JCvSuits  did  not  despair,  but  soon  returned  to  the 
Lower  Mississippi,  where  they  continued  their  labors 
until  about  1770,  although  the  order  had  in  1762  been 
suppressed  in  France. 

The  Louisiana  mission  of  the  Jesuits,  while  pro- 
ducing several  martyrs,  and  rich  in  striking  examples 
of  missionary  zeal,  has  yielded  but  meagre  document- 
ary results;  few  of  the  papers  in  the  present  series 
touch  upon  its  work,  and  indeed  detailed  knowledge 
thereof  is  not  easily  obtainable.  Severed  from  Can- 
ada by  a  long  stretch  of  wilderness,  commimication 
with  the  St.  Lawrence  basin  was  difficult  and  spas- 
modic, and  in  the  case  of  the  Jesuits  generally  unnec- 
essary; for,  having  their  own  superior  at  New  Or- 
leans, his  allegiance  was  to  the  general  of  the  order 
in  France,  not  to  his  fellow-superiors  in  Quebec  and 
Montreal.  The  several  missions  of  New  France  played 
a  large  part  in  American  history ;  that  of  Louisiana, 
although  interesting,  is  of  much  less  importance. 

The   Relations. 

A  few  explorers  like  Champlain,  Radisson,  and  Par- 
rot have  left  valuable  narratives  behind  them,  which 
are  of  prime  importance  in  the  study  of  the  begin- 
nings of  French  settlement  in  America ;  but  it  is  to 


88  ' 


INTRODUCTION 


\ 


.  \ 
) 


the  Jesuits  that  we  owe  the  great  body  of  our  informa- 
tion concerning  the  frontiers  of  New  France  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  It  was  their  duty  annually  to 
transmit  to  their  superior  in  Quebec,  or  Montreal,  a 
written  journal  of  their  doings;  it  was  also  their  duty 
to  pay  occasional  visits  to  their  superior,  and  to  go 
into  retreat  at  the  central  house  of  the  Canadian 
mission.  Annually,  between  1632  and  1673,  the 
superior  made  up  a  narrative,  or  Relation,  of  the  most 
important  events  which  had  occurred  in  the  several 
missionary  districts  under  his  charge,  sometimes 
using  the  exact  words  of  the  missionaries,  and  some- 
times with  considerable  editorial  skill  summarizing 
the  individual  journals  in  a  general  account,  based  in 
part  upon  the  oral  reports  of  visiting  fathers.  This 
annual  Relation,  which  in  bibliographies  occasionally 
bears  the  name  of  the  superior,  and  at  other  times  of 
the  missionary  chiefly  contributing  to  it,  was  for- 
warded to  the  provincial  of  the  order  in  France,  and, 
after  careful  scrutiny  and  re-editing,  published  by 
him  in  a  series  of  duodecimo  volumes,  known  collect- 
ively as  The  Jesuit  Relations. 

The  authors  of  the  journals  which  formed  the  basis 
of  the  Relations  were  for  the  most  part  men  of  trained 
intellect,  acute  observers,  and  practised  in  the  art  of 
keeping  records  of  their  experiences.  They  had  left 
the  most  highly  civilized  country  of  their  times,  to 
plunge  at  once  into  the  heart  of  the  American  wilder- 
ness, and  attempt  to  win  to  tlie  Christian  faith  the 
fiercest  savages  known  to  history.  To  gain  these 
savages,  it  was  first  necessary  to  know  them  intimate- 
ly,—  their  speech,  their  habits,  their  manner  of 
thought,  their  strong  points  and  their  weak.  These 
first  students  of  the  North  American    Indian    were 


1 1 


'.'ft 

informa- 

ce  in  the 

'5 

lually  to 
ntreal,  a 

::"• 

leir  duty 
id  to  go 
Canadian 

;C 

673,    the 
the  most 

e  several 

)metimes 

ad  some- 

marizing 
based  in 

:•;, 

s.     This 

asionally 
times  of 

was  for- 

.<^9 

nce,  and, 

ished  by 
1  collect- 

the  basis 

f  trained 

>^B 

he  art  of 

had  left 

times,  to 

i.^^^B 

1  wilder- 

faith  the 

lin  these 

,'!^^B 

ntimate- 

mner   of 

These 

ij^^H 

\n    were 

INTRODUCTION 


39 


not  only  amply  fitted  for  their  undertaking,  but  none 
have  since  had  better  opportunity  for  its  prosecution. 
They  were  explorers,  as  well  as  priests.  Bancroft 
was  inexact  when  he  said,  in  oft- quoted  phrase, 
"Not  a  cape  was  turned,  not  a  river  entered,  but  a 
Jesuit  led  the  \vay."  The  actual  pioneers  of  New 
France  were  almost  always  coureurs  de  bois,  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  fur  trade ;  but  coureurs  de  bois,  for 
obvious  reasons,  seldom  kept  records,  even  when 
capable  of  doing  so,  and  as  a  rule  we  learn  of  their 
previous  appearance  on  the  scene  only  through 
chance  allusions  in  the  Relations.  The  Jesuits  per- 
formed a  great  service  to  mankind  in  publishing 
their  annals,  which  are,  for  historian,  geographer, 
and  ethnologist,  among  our  first  and  best  authorities. 
Many  of  the  Relations  were  written  in  Indian 
camps,  amid  a  chaos  of  distractions.  Insects  innu- 
merable tormented  the  journalists,  they  were  im- 
mersed in  scenes  of  squalor  and  degradation,  over- 
come by  fatigue  and  lack  of  proper  sustenance,  often 
suffering  from  wounds  and  disease,  maltreated  in  a 
htmdred  ways  by  hosts  who,  at  times,  might  more 
properly  be  called  jailers ;  and  not  seldom  had  savage 
superstition  risen  to  such  a  height,  that  to  be  seen 
making  a  memorandum  was  certain  to  arouse  the 
ferocious  enmity  of  the  band.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  the  composition  of  these  journals  of  the  Jesuits 
is  sometimes  crude ;  the  wonder  is,  that  they  could 
be  written  at  all.  Nearly  always  the  style  is  simple 
and  direct.  Never  does  the  narrator  descend  to  self- 
glorification,  or  dwe'l  unnecessarily  upon  the  details 
of  his  continual  martyrdom ;  he  never  complains  of 
his  lot ;  but  sets  forth  his  experience  in  phrases  the 
most  matter-of-fact.     His  meaning  is  seldom  obscure. 


Ir 


40 


INTRODUCTION 


1 


,N 


We  gain  from  his  pages  a  vivid  picture  of  life  in  the 
primeval  forest,  as  he  lived  it;  we  seem  to  see  him 
upon  his  long  canoe  journeys,  squatted  amidst  his 
dusky  fellows,  working  his  passage  at  the  paddles, 
and  carrying  cargoes  upon  the  portage  trail ;  we  see 
him  the  butt  and  scorn  of  the  savage  camp,  some- 
times deserted  in  the  heart  of  the  wilderness,  and 
obliged  to  wait  for  another  flotilla,  or  to  make  his 
way  alone  as  best  he  can.  Arrived  at  last,  at  his 
journey's  end,  we  often  find  him  vainly  seeking  for 
shelter  in  the  squalid  huts  of  the  natives,  with  every 
man's  hand  against  him,  but  his  own  heart  open  to 
them  all.  We  find  him,  even  when  at  last  domiciled 
in  some  far-awa)^  village,  working  against  hope  to 
save  the  unbaptized  from  eternal  damnation ;  we 
seem  to  see  the  rising  storm  of  opposition,  invoked 
by  native  medicine-men, —  who  to  his  seventeenth- 
century  imagination  .seem  devils  indeed, — and  at  last 
the  bursting  climax  of  superstitious  frenzy  which 
sweeps  him  and  his  before  it.  Not  only  do  these 
devoted  missionaries,- —  never,  in  any  field,  has  been 
witnessed  greater  personal  heroism  than  theirs, — 
live  and  breathe  before  us  in  the  Relations ;  but  we 
have  in  them  our  first  competent  account  of  the  Red 
Indian,  at  a  time  when  relatively  uncontaminated  by 
contact  with  Europeans.  We  seem,  in  the  Relations, 
to  know  this  crafty  savage,  to  measure  him  intellec- 
tually as  well  as  physically,  his  inmost  thoughts  as 
well  as  open  speech.  The  fathers  did  not  under- 
stand him  from  an  ethnological  point  of  view,  as 
well  as  he  is  to-day  understood ;  their  minds  were 
tinctured  with  the  scientific  fallacies  of  their  time. 
But,  with  what  is  known  to-day,  the  photographic  re- 
ports in  the  Relations  help  the  student  to  an  accurate 


jaua 


INTRODUCTION 


41 


3  in  the 
see  him 
idst  his 
Daddies, 

we  see 
),  some- 
;ss,   and 
lake  his 
:,  at  his 
king  for 
;h  every 
open  to 
Dmiciled 
hope  to 
ion;  we 
invoked 
nteenth- 
d  at  last 
y  which 
io  these 
las  been 
heirs,— 
■  but  we 
the  Red 
lated  by 
delations, 
intellec- 
Aghts  as 
t  undcr- 
^iew,   as 
ds   were 

ir  time, 
iphic  re- 
accurate 


picture  of  the  untamed  aborigine,  and  much  that  mys- 
tified the  fathers,  is  now,  by  aid  of  their  carefulj  our- 
nals,  easily  susceptible  of  explanation.  Few  periods 
of  history  are  so  well  illuminated  as  the  French 
regime  in  North  America.  This  we  owe  in  large 
measure  to  the  existence  of  the  Jesuit  Relations. 

What  are  generally  known  as  the  Relations  proper, 
addressed  to  the  superior  and  published  in  Paris, 
under  direction  of  the  provincial,  commence  with  Le 
Jeune's  Brieve  Relation  dii  Voyage  de  la  Nouvelle- France 
(1632);  and  thereafter  a  duodecimo  volume,  neatly 
printed  and  bound  in  vellum,  was  issued  annually 
from  the  press  of  Sebastien  Cramoisy,  in  Paris,  until 
1673,  when  the  series  was  discontinued,  probably 
through  the  influence  of  Frontenac,  to  whom  the 
Jesuits  were  distasteful.  The  Relations  at  once  be- 
came popular  in  the  court  circles  of  P' ranee ;  their 
regular  appearance  was  always  awaited  with  the 
keenest  interest,  and  assisted  greatly  in  creating  and 
fostering  the  enthusiasm  of  pious  philanthropists, 
who  for  many  years  substantially  maintained  the  mis- 
sions of  New  France.  In  addition  to  these  forty 
volumes,  which  to  collectors  are  technically  known  as 
"Cramoisys,"  many  similar  publications  found  their 
way  into  the  hanrls  of  the  public,  the  greater  part  of 
them  bearing  date  after  the  suppression  of  the  Cra- 
moisy series.  Some  were  printed  in  Paris  and  Lyons 
by  independent  publivshers ;  others  appeared  in  Latin 
and  Italian  texts,  at  Rome  and  other  cities  in  Italy ; 
while  in  such  journals  as  Mercurc  Francois  and  Annuce 
Littera  Societatis  Jesu,  occasionally  were  published  let- 
ters from  the  missionaries,  of  the  same  nature  as  the 
Relations,  but  briefer  and  more  intimate  in  tone. 

It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  popular  interest 


^^T 


42 


INTRODUCTION 


•! 


(     , 


ii,  these  publications  materially  affected  the  secular 
literature  of  the  period;  they  were  largely  used  in 
Jesuit  histories  of  New  France,  but  by  others  were 
practically  ignored.  General  literary  interest  in  the 
Rclatio?is  was  only  created  about  a  half  century  ago, 
wb'^n  Dr.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  editor  of  the  Docu- 
mentary History  of  New  York,  called  attention  to  their 
great  value  as  storehouses  of  contemporary  informa- 
tion. Dr.  John  G.  Shea,  author  of  History  of  the 
Catholic  Missions  among  the  Indian  Tribes  of  the  United 
States,  and  Father  Felix  Martin,  S.  J.,  of  Montreal, 
soon  came  forward,  with  fresh  studies  of  the  Rela- 
tions. Collectors  at  once  commenced  searching  for 
Cramoisys,  which  were  found  to  be  exceedingly 
scarce, —  most  of  the  originals  having  been  literally 
worn  out  in  the  hands  of  their  devout  seventeenth- 
century  readers;  finally,  the  greatest  collector  of 
them  all,  James  Lenox,  of  New  York,  outstripped 
his  competitors  and  laid  the  foundation,  in  the  Lenox 
Library,  of  what  is  to-day  probably  the  only  complete 
collection  in  America.  In  1858,  the  Canadian  gov- 
ernment reprinted  the  Cramoisys,  with  a  few  addi- 
tions, in  three  stout  octavo  volumes,  carefully  edited 
by  Abbes  Lkverdiere,  Plante,  and  Ferland.  These, 
too,  are  now  rare,  copies  seldom  being  offered  for  sale. 
The  Quebec  reprint  was  followed  by  two  admirable 
series  brought  out  by  Shea  and  O'Callaghan  respect- 
ively. Shea's  Cramoisy  Series  (185 7-1 866),  numbers 
twenty-five  little  volumes,  the  edition  of  each  of 
which  was  limited  to  a  hundred  copies,  now  diffi- 
cult to  obtain;  it  contains  for  the  most  part  entirely 
new  matter,  chiefly  Relations  prepared  for  publication 
by  the  superiors,  after  1672,  and  miscellaneously 
printed;    among   the   volumes,  however,   are   a  few 


Ii 

I. 


INTRODUCTION 


43 


reprints  of  particularly  rare  issues  of  the  original 
Cramoisy  press.  The  O'Callaghan  series,  seven  in 
number  (the  edition  limited  to  twenty-five  copies), 
contains  different  material  from  Shea's,  but  of  the 
same  character.  A  further  addition  to  the  mass  of 
material  was  made  by  Father  Martin,  in  Relations 
In^dites  de  la  Notcvelle-France,  1672-79  (2  vols.,  Paris, 
1 861);  and  by  Father  Carayon  in  Prcmihre  Mission  des 
/Estates  mi  Canada  {Vaxis,  1864).  In  1871,  there  was 
published  at  Quebec,  under  the  editorship  of  Abb6s 
Laverdifere  and  Casgrain,  Le  Journal  dcsj^snitcs,  from 
the  original  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  Semi- 
nary of  Quebec  (now  Laval  University).  The  memo- 
randa contained  in  this  volume, — a  rarity,  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  edition  was  accidentally  destroyed 
by  fire, — were  not  intended  for  publication,  being  of 
the  character  of  private  records,  covering  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Jesuits  in  New  France  between  1645  and 
1668.  The  Journal  is,  however,  an  indispensable  com- 
plement of  the  Relations.  It  was  reprinted  by  a 
Montreal  publisher  ( J.  M.  Valois)  in  1892,  but  even 
this  later  edition  is  already  exhausted.  Many  inter- 
esting epistles  are  found  in  Lettres  Edijiantes  et  Curieuses, 
Sorites  des  Missions  Etrangeres,  which  cover  the  Jesuit 
missions  in  many  lands,  between  the  years  1702  and 
1776;  only  a  small  portion  of  this  publication  (there 
are  several  editions,  ranging  from  1 702-1 776  to  1875- 
T']')  is  devoted  to  the  North  American  missions. 

American  historians,  from  Shea  and  Parkman  down, 
have  already  made  liberal  use  of  the  Relations,  and 
here  and  there  antiquarians  and  historical  societies 
have  published  fragmentary  translations.  The  great 
body  of  the  Relations  and  their  allied  documents,  how- 
ever, has  never  been  Englished.    The  text  is  diflicult. 


■^nr 


44 


INTRODUCTION 


\\  I 


1 


I  t 

\  1^ 

H 

! '/    " 

t 
• 

;           i 

for  their  French  is  not  the  French  of  the  modern 
schools;  hence  thCvSe  interesting  papers  have  been 
doubly  inaccessible  to  the  majority  of  our  historical 
students.  The  present  edition,  while  faithfully  re- 
producing the  old  French  text,  even  in  most  of 
its  errors,  offers  to  the  public,  for  the  first  time,  an 
English  rendering  side  by  side  with  the  original. 

In  breadth  of  scope,  also,  this  edition  will,  through 
the  generous  enterprise  of  the  publishers,  readily  be 
first  in  the  field.  Not  only  will  it  embrace  all  of  the 
original  Cramoisy  series,  the  Shea  and  O'Callaghan 
series,  those  collected  by  Fathers  Martin  and  Carayon, 
the  Journal  dcs  Jt'suitcs,  and  sucn  of  the  Lcttrcs  Edi- 
fiantcs  as  touch  upon  the  North  American  missions, 
but  many  other  valuable  documents  which  have 
not  previously  been  reprinted;  it  will  contain,  also, 
considerable  hitherto-unpublished  material  from  the 
manuscripts  in  the  archives  of  St.  Mary's  College, 
Montreal,  and  other  depositories.  These  several 
documents  will  be  illustrated  by  faithful  reproduc- 
tions of  all  the  maps  and  other  engravings  appearing 
in  the  old  editions,  besides  much  new  material 
obtained  especially  for  this  edition,  a  prominent 
feature  of  which  will  be  authentic  port.-iits  of  many 
of  the  early  fathers,  and  photographic  facsimiles  of 
pages  from  their  manuscript  letters. 

In  the  Preface  to  each  volume  will  be  given  such 
Bibliographical  Data  concerning  its  contents,  as  seem 
necessary  to  the  scholar.  The  appended  Notes  con- 
sist of  historical,  biographical,  archaeological,  and  mis- 
cellaneous comment,  which  it  is  hoped  maj'  tend  to 
the  elucidation  of  the  text.  An  exhaustive  General 
Index  to  the  English  text  will  appear  in  the  final 
volume  of  the  series. 


PREFACE  TO  VOL  I 


There  is  a  dramatic  unity  in  the  Jesuit  Relations 
and  Allied  Documents,  as  they  will  be  presented  in 
this  series.  Commencing  with  a  report  of  the  first 
conversion  of  savages  in  New  France,  in  1610,  by  a 
secular  priest,  and  soon  drifting  into  the  records  of 
Jesuit  missionary  effort,  they  touch  upon  practically 
every  important  enterprise  of  the  Jesuits,  in  Canada 
and  Louisiana,  from  the  coming  of  Fathers  Biard 
and  Masse,  in  161 1,  to  the  death,  in  the  closing 
decade  of  the  eighteenth  century,  of  Father  Well, 
"  the  last  Jesuit  of  Montreal." 

I.  The  series  fitly  opens  with  Lescarbot's  La 
Conversion  dcs  Sainiagcs.  Marc  Lescarbot,  a  Paris 
lawyer,  a  Huguenot  poet  as  well  as  historian,  and  in 
many  respects  a  picturesque  character  in  the  early 
scenes  of  our  drama,  adroitly  seeks  in  this  document 
to  convince  the  Catholic  Queen  of  France  that  his 
Huguenot  patrons,  De  Monts  and  Poutrincourt,  are 
so  wisely  ordering  affairs  in  their  New  World  domain 
that  not  only  will  the  glory  of  France  be  enhanced, 
but  the  natives  be  won  to  Christ  through  the  medium 
of  the  Church;  for  it  was  part  of  the  agreement 
entered  into  with  the  Crown,  by  these  adventurers, 
that  while  their  colonists  should  be  permitted  to  have 
Huguenot  ministers,  the  aborigines  must  be  con- 
verted only  by  Catholic  priests.     To  this  end,  Lescar- 


46 


PREFACE  TO   VOL.  I 


I; 


1, 

I' 


bot  describes  with  unction  the  sudden  conversion  by 
a  secular  priest,  Messire  Jess6  Fldch6,  of  old  Chief 
Membertou  and  twenty  other  Micmacs,  and  their 
formal  baptism  on  the  beach  at  Port  Royal.  The 
object  is,  of  course,  to  ward  off  the  threatened  inva- 
sion of  New  France  by  the  Jesuits,  by  showing  how 
thoron<2^hly  the  work  of  proselyting  is  being  carried 
forward  without  their  aid. 

II.  By  the  same  ship  which,  in  the  hands  of  Pou- 
trincourt's  son,  Biencourt,  carries  to  France  this  ingen- 
ious document,  one  Bcrtrand,  a  Huguenot  layman, 
sends  a  message  to  his  friend,  the  Sieur  de  la 
Tronchaie.  In  his  Lcttrc  Missive,  M.  Bertrand  de- 
scribes the  conversion  of  Membertou  and  his  fellow 
savages,  and  speaks  with  enthusiasm  of  the  new 
country:  as  well  he  may,  for  in  Volume  II.  we  shall 
find  Lescarbot  testifying  that  in  Paris  the  worthy 
Bertrand  was  "  daily  tormented  by  the  gout,"  while 
at  Port  Royal  he  was  "  entirely  free  "  from  it. 

III.  Lescarbot's  fervid  description  of  Father 
Fleche's  conversions  did  not  succeed  in  keeping  the 
Jesuits  from  New  France.  The  present  document  is 
a  letter  written  at  Dieppe,  by  Father  Pierre  Biard,  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  to  his  general  at  Rome,  telling 
of  the  adventures  which  had  befallen  Father  Enne- 
mond  Masse  and  himself,  since  they,  the  pioneers  of 
their  order  in  the  New  World,  had  been  ordered  from 
France  to  Port  Royal.  Certain  Huguenot  merchants 
of  Dieppe  conspired  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the 
Jesuits  to  America;  but  finally  the  queen  and  other 
court  ladies,  favoring  the  missionaries,  purchased  con- 
trol of  the  Huguenots'  ship  and  cargo,  and  the  exult- 
ant fathers  are  now  on  the  eve  of  sailing. 


i 


PREFACE  TO  VOL.  I 


47 


IV.  In  this  lettv..',  written  by  Biard  to  his  provin- 
cial, a  few  weeks  after  the  arrival  at  Port  Royal,  the 
missionary  gives  the  details  of  his  voyage,  describes 
the  spiritual  and  material  condition  of  Poutrincoiirt's 
colony,  and  outlines  plans  for  work  among  the 
Indians — only  Huguenot  ministers  being,  as  yet, 
allowed  under  the  charter  to  serve  the  spiritual  needs 
of  the  colonists  themselves. 

V.  In  this  letter,  Biard  notifies  his  general  of  the 
safe  arrival  of  Mass^  and  himself. 

VI.  A  like  duty  is  here  performed  by  Mass6. 

VII.  Father  Jouvency,  one  of  the  eighteenth-cen- 
tury historians  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  herein  gives 
an  historical  account  of  the  Canadian  missions  of 
his  order,  in  1611-13;  and,  by  way  of  comparison, 
tells  of  the  condition  of  the  same  missions  in  1703, 
ending  with  a  list  of  the  Jesuit  missions  in  North 
America  in  the  year  17 10,  the  date  of  original  pub- 
lication. 

VIII.  Herein,  Jouvency  gives  a  detailed  account  of 
the  Indian  tribes  of  Canada, —  their  customs,  charac- 
teristics, superstitions,  etc.  Although  not  in  strict 
chronological  order,  these  chapters  are  given  here  as 
being  from  the  same  work  as  the  foregoing. 

In  the  preparation  of  several  of  the  Notes  to 
Volume  I.,  the  Editor  has  had  some  assistance  from 
Mrs.  Jane  Marsh  Parker,  of  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  August,  1896. 


\\ 


1 1. 


■0 


I   -t 


Source  :  Title-page  and  text,  reprinted  from  original  in 
Lenox  Library,  New  York ;  the  Register  of  Baptisms  from 
original  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library,  Providence,  R.  1. 

Peculiarities  in  Original  Pagination  :  P.  7,  misnum- 
bered  i  ;  p.  16,  misnumbered  6;  pp.  23,  24,  are  repeated, 
except  the  last  sentence  on  p.  24  ;  p.  49  numbered  "P6." 


!1 


i 


m 


Lescarbot's  La  Conversion  des  Savvages 

Paris:  JEAN  MILLOT,  1610 


i-: 


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I  'I 


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l 


T   / 


E 


TT:7  ' 


LA     ■ 

CONVERSION 

DES  SAVVAGES 

Oyi   ONT    ESTE' BA- 
PTIZES   EN    LA   ISlOVV'ELLE 

France,  cetieannee  1 6io 

^F£C  r^  BKEF   XECIT^ 

dt*  njoyage  du  Sieur  D  £ 

Po  VTRI  NC  O  VRT. 


/>■ 


A  PARIS, 

Chez  Team   MiHot,  tenant  fi  bontfqHefur 
les  dcgrez  dcla  grand' Salle du Palais. 


■k" 


\A^'€C  Primic^e  dnJioy, 


i. 


CONVERSION 

OF  THE  SAVAGES 

WHO  WERE   BAP- 
TIZED IN  New  France 
during  this  year,  1610. 

l^ITH    ^   ^TilEF   ^ATiTiATI^E 

of  the  voyage  of  Sieur  DE 
POUTRINCOURT. 


PARIS, 

Jean  Millot,  keeping  shop  upon  the  steps  of 
the  great  Hall  of  the  Palace. 

By  Royal  License. 


1 


It 


dl« 


KM 


54 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jlSUITES  [Vol.1 


¥    ^ 


a 


1/ 


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\ 


[iii]    A  la  Royne. 

AJADAME, 

Dieu    m  ay  ant  fait   naitre   amateur   dc    ma 

nation  &  zelateur  dc  fa  gloirc,  ie  ne  puis  moins  que  de  luy 

fair e  part  de  ce  qui  la  touchc,  &  qui  fans  doutc  Vifpoinqon- 

ncra  quand  elle  cntendra  que  le  nom  dc  lefus-Chrifi  cfi 

annoncd  <fs  terrcs  d' outre  nier  qui  portent  le  nomde  France. 

Mais  particulicrcment  ccla  regarde  votre  Majefid,  laquelle 

fur  CCS  nouvellcs  a  rendu  vn  tcmoignagc  du  grand  con- 

tentcnicnt  [iv]  qu'elle  en  avoit.    La  Chrdticntd  doit  ceci  an 

courage  &  h  la  pietd  du  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,    qui  ne 

peut  viurc  oifif  panni  la  trdquillitd  en  laquelle  nous  vivons 

par  le  benefice  du  feu  Roy  vdtre  Epoux.    Mais  {MADAME) 

fi  vans  dcfirez  bien-tot  voir  cet  cetivrc  avancd,  il  faut  que 

vous  y  mcttics  la  main.     Donnez  luy  des  ailcs  pour  voler 

fur  les  eaux,  &  penetrer  fi  avant  dans  Ics  terrcs  de  delii, 

que  jufques  a  V extremitd  oil  V  Occident  fc  joint  a  V  Orient, 

tout  lieu  retentijfc  du  nom  de  la  France.     Ic  fqay  qiiil  ne 

manque  de  volontd  &  fidclitd  au  fervice  du  Roy  &  de  vdtre 

Majefld,  pour  faire  ( aprcs  ce  qui  cfi  dc  Dieu )  que  vous 

foyds  obeis  par  tout  le  mondc.     Et  pour  mon  regard  en  tout 

ce  que  fay  iamais  travailld,   ie  me  fuis  efforcd  de  bicn 

mcriter   du    Roy  &  du  public,   aufqucls    i  ay   dedid  mes 

labeurs.     [v]  S'il  m' en  arrive  quelque  fruit,  ie  le  dedicray 

volonticrs,  &  tout  ce  que  Dieu  via  donnd  d' induflrie,  a 

V accroiffcmcnt  de  cette  entrcprifc,  &  a  ce  qui  rcgardera  le 

bicn    dc   voire  fervice,        Ccpcndant   ayes    {MADAME) 

agr  cable  ce  petit  difcours  cvangcliquc  {c'cfi  h  dire  port  ant 

bonnes  nouvellcs)  que  public  a  la  France  fouz  vdtre  bon 

plaifir,  Madame,  de  vdtre  Majefld  Ic  tres-humble,  tres- 

obeifTant,  &  t  res- fide  le  fervit  cur  &  fujci, 

Marc  Lescarbot. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


55 


[iii]     To  the  Queen.^ 

A^ AD  A  ME, 

Gud  having  created  vie  a  lover  of  my  country 
and  zealous  for  its  glory,  I  cannot  do  less  than  impart  to 
it  zvhatever  affects  its  interests ;  and  so  doubtless  it  zvill 
be  greatly  encouraged  by  the  tidings  that  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ  has  been  proclaimed  in  the  lands  beyond  the 
sea,  wJiich  bear  the  name  of  France.  But  this  netvs  is  of 
especial  interest  to  your  Majesty,  who,  upon  hearing  it, 
gave  evidence  of  your  great  satisfaction  [iv]  therein. 

The  Christian  World  owes  this  event  to  the  courage  and 
piety  of  Sieiir  de  Poutrincourt ^^  who  cannot  lead  a  life  of 
idleness  amid  the  peaceful  prosperity  in  zvhich  zve  live 
through  the  favor  of  the  deceased  King,  your  Husband. 
But  {Madame),  if  you  wish  to  see  immediate  advance- 
ment in  this  ivork,  you  must  lend  a  helping  hand.  Give 
it  wings  to  fly  over  the  seas,  and  to  penetrate  so  far  into 
the  lands  beyond  that,  even  to  the  uttermost  parts  zvhere  the 
West  unites  with  the  East,  every  place  may  resound  with 
the  name  of  France.  I  know  that  there  is  no  lack  of  good- 
ivill  and  loyalty  in  the  service  of  the  King  and  of  your 
Majesty,  to  the  end  that  (after  ivhat  is  due  to  God )  you 
may  be  obeyed  by  all  mankind.  And  as  for  me,  in  all  that 
I  have  ever  done,  I  have  endeavored  to  merit  the  esteem  of 
the  King  and  of  the  public,  to  whom  I  have  dedicated  my 
labors,  [v]  If  I  gather  any  fruit  therefrom,  I  shall  will- 
ingly consecrate  it,  and  all  the  energy  God  has  given  me,  to 
the  enlargement  of  this  enterprise  and  to  zvhatever  may 
concern  the  tvelfare  of  your  service.  Meamvhile,  be  pleased 
(Madame)  to  accept  this  little  gospel  narrative  (gospel, 
because  bringing  good  tidings),  zvhich  is  published  in  France 
under  your  good  pleasure,  MADAME,  by  your  Majesty's 
very  humble,  very  obedient  and  very  faithful  servant  and 

subject, 

MARC  LESCARBOT.  ^ 


'% 


m  'I 


m       >| 


II 


66 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


[vi]    Extraict  du  Priuilege  du  Roy. 


\  i' 


)/.: 


t 


PAR  grace  &  priuilege  du  Roy,  il  eft  permis  k  lean 
Millot  Marchant  Libraire  en  la  ville  de  Paris, 
d'imprimer,  ou  faire  impnmer,  vendre  &  diftri- 
buer  par  tout  noflre  Royaume  tant  de  fois  qu'il  luy 
plaira,  en  telle  forme  ou  caradlere  que  bon  luy  fem- 
blera,  vn  liure  intitule  La  Conversion  des  Savvages 
compof^  par  Marc  Lescarbot  Advocat  en  la  Cour  de 
Parlement.  Et  ce  jufques  au  temps  &  terme  de  fix 
ans  finis  &  accomplis,  k  compter  du  jour  que  ledit  livre 
fera  acheve  d'imprimer.  1  endant  lequel  temps  de- 
fences font  faidtes  k  tous  Imprimeurs,  Libraires,  & 
autres  de  quelque  eftat,  qualite,  ou  condition  qu'ils 
foient,  de  non  imprimer,  vendre,  contrefaire,  ou  alte- 
rer  ledit  liure,  ou  aucune  partie  d'iceluy,  fur  peine  de 
confifcation  des  exeplaires,  &  de  quinze  cens  livres 
d 'amende  appliquable  moitie  k  nous,  &  moitie  aux 
pauvres  de  L'hoftel  Dieu  de  cette  ville  de  Paris,  & 
def pens  dommages,  &  interefts  dudit  expofant :  Non- 
obflant  toute  clameur  de  Haro,  Chartre  Normande, 
Privileges,  lettres  ou  autres  appellations  &  oppofi- 
tions  formees  k  ce  contraires  faic5les  ou  a  faire.  Donn^ 
k  Paris  le  neufiefme  iour  de  Septembre  I'an  de  grace 
1 6 ID.     Et  de  noftre  regne  le  premier. 

Par  le  Roy  en  fon  Confeil. 

Signe,  Brigard. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


57 


[vi]    Extract  from  the  Royal  License. 


1 


BY  the  grace  and  prerogative  of  the  King,  per- 
mission is  granted  to  Jean  Millot,  Bookseller  in 
the  city  of  Paris,  to  print  or  to  have  printed,  to 
sell  and  distribute  throughout  all  our  Kingdom,  as 
often  as  he  may  desire,  in  such  form  or  character  as  he 
may  see  fit,  a  book,  entitled :  The  Conversion  of  the 
Savages,  composed  by  Marc  Lescarbot,  Counsellor 
in  the  Court  of  Parliament.  And  this  to  remain 
valid  until  the  expiration  of  six  complete  years, 
counting  from  the  day  on  which  the  printing  of  said 
book  shall  be  finished.  During  said  period  of  time 
all  Printers,  Booksellers,  and  other  persons  of  whatso- 
ever rank,  quality,  or  condition  are  prohibited  from 
publishing,  selling,  imitating,  or  changing  said  book 
or  any  part  thereof,  under  penalty  of  confiscation  of 
the  copies,  and  of  fifteen  hundred  livres  fine,  one- 
half  of  which  is  to  be  paid  to  us,  and  one-half  to  the 
poor  of  the  town  hospital  in  this  city  of  Paris,  to- 
gether with  the  costs,  damages,  and  interests  of  the 
aforesaid  petitioner:  notwithstanding  all  cries  of 
Haro,  Norman  Charter,^  Licenses,  letters,  or  other 
appeals  and  counter-claims,  opposed  to  this  now  or 
in  future.  Given  at  Paris  on  the  ninth  day  of  Sep- 
tember, in  the  year  of  grace,  i6io,  and  in  the  first  of 

our  reign. 

B>  the  King  in  Council. 

Signed,  Brigard. 


¥ 


: 


1" 


7 


68 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J &SUITES  [Voi..  1 


[7]     La  Converfion  des  Sauvages  qui  ont  efte 

baptifez  en  la  Nouuelle-France, 

cette  annee  1610. 


\  i 
i)     1 


Matth. 

24.  vcrj. 

14. 


1  r 


L 


A  parole  immuable  de  notre  Sauveur  lefiis-Chrifl 
nous  temoigne  par  I'oigane  de  faindl  Matthieu 
que  r Euangile  dii  royamne  dcs  cietix  fcra  annona! 
par  tout  Ic  JHondc,  pour  cjlrc  en  tcmoignage  h  toutcs  na- 
tions, avant  que  la  confoviniation  vienne.  Nous  fcavons 
par  les  hilloires  que  la  voix  des  Apotres  a  eclats  par 
tout  le  monde  de  de9a  d6s  il  y  a  plufieurs  fiecles 
pafTez,  quoy  qu'aujourd'hui  les  royaumes  Chretiens 
en  foient  la  moindre  partie.  Mais  quant  au  nouveau 
monde  decouvert  depuis  environ  fix-vingts  ans,  nous 
n'auons  aucun  veftige  que  la  parole  de  Dieu  y  ait 
onques  [8]  efte  annoncee  avant  ces  derniers  temps,  fi  ce 
n'eft  que  nous  voulions  ad j outer  quelque  foy  ^  ce  que 
lehan  de  Leri  rapporte,  que  comme  il  racontoit  vn 
jour  aux  Brefiliens  les  grandes  merveilles  de  Dieu  en 
la  creation  du  monde,  &  myfteres  de  notre  redemp- 
tion, vn  vieillart  lui  dit  qu'il  auoit  oui  dire  k  fon  grand 
pere  qu 'autrefois  vn  homme  barbu  (  or  les  Brefiliens 
ne  le  font  point)  eftoit  venu  vers  eux,  &  leur  avoit 
dit  chofes  femblables:  mais  qu'on  ne  le  voulut  point 
6couter,  &  depuis  f 'eftoiet  entre-tuez  &  mangez  les  vns 
les  autres.  Quant  aux  autres  nations  de  dela  quel- 
ques  vns  ont  bien  quelque  fourde  nouvelle  du  deluge, 
&  de  rimmortalite  des  ames,  enfemble  dela  beati- 
tude des  bievivans  apres  cette  vie,  mais  ils^peuvent 
avoir  retenu  cette  obfcure  dodtrine  de  main  en  main 
par  tradition  depuis  le  cataclifme  vniverfel  qui  avint 


'T 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  T/ONS 


69 


[7]    The  Conversion  of  the  Savages  who  have 
been  baptized  in  New  France  dur- 
ing this  year,  i6io. 

THE  unchangeable  word  of  our  Savior  Jesus  Christ 
bears  witness  to  us  through  the  lips  of  saint 
Matthew  that  This  Gospel  of  tJic  kingdom,  shall 
be  preached  in  the  tvhole  xvorld,  for  a  testimony  to  all 
7iatio)is,  and  then  shall  the  consummation  come.  History 
shows  that  the  voice  of  the  Apostles  has  resounded  for 
several  centuries  past  throughout  all  the  old  world, 
although  to-day  the  Christian  kingdoms  form  the 
smallest  part  of  it.  But  as  to  the  new  world,  dis- 
covered vSome  hundred  and  twenty  years  ago,  we 
have  no  proof  that  the  word  of  God  has  ever  [8] 
been  proclaimed  there  prior  to  these  later  times; 
unless  we  are  to  believe  the  story  of  Jean  de  Lery,^ 
who  says  that  one  day  as  he  was  telling  the  Bra- 
zilians about  the  great  miracles  of  God  in  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world,  and  the  mysteries  of  our  redemp- 
tion, an  old  man  told  him  that  he  had  heard  his 
grandfather  say  that,  many  years  before,  a  bearded 
man  ( Brazilians  have  no  beards )  had  come  among 
them  and  had  related  something  similar;  but  that 
they  would  not  listen  to  him,  and  since  then  had 
been  killing  and  eating  each  other.  As  to  the  other 
countries  beyond  the  sea,  some  of  them  have  indeed 
a  certain  vague  knowledge  of  the  deluge,  and  of  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  together  with  the  future  re- 
ward of  those  who  live  aright;  but  they  might  have 
handed  this  obscure  doctrine  down,  from  generation 
to  generation,  since  the  universal  deluge  which  hap- 


Matth.  24, 
verse  14. 


II 


r 


(iO 


LES  RELA  riONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


\ 
f 


au  temps  de  No^.  Refte  done  h.  deplorer  la  mife- 
rable  eondition  de  ces  peuplcs  qui  oecupent  vne  terre 
fi  grande,  que  le  monde  de  de9a  ne  vient  en  compa- 
raifon  avec  elle,  fi  nous  eomprenons  la  terre  qui  eft 
outre  le  detroit  de  Magellan  dite,  [9]  Terra  del  fugo, 
tant  en  fon  etenduci  vers  la  Chine,  &  le  lapan,  que  vers 
la  Nouvelle  Guin^e:  comme  aufli  eelle  qui  elt  outre 
la  grande  riviere  de  Canada,  qui  s'eftend  vers  I'Orient 
&  eft  baignee  de  la  grande  mer  Oecidentale.  Toutes 
lefquelles  contrees  font  en  vne  miferable  ignorance, 
&  n'y  a  point  d'apparence  qu'elles  aient  onques  eu  le 
vet  de  I'Evangile,  finon  qu'en  ce  dernier  fiecle  I'Hef- 
pagnol  parmi  la  cruaute  &  I'avarice  y  a  apporte 
quelque  lumiere  de  la  religion  Chretienne.  Mais 
cela  eft  fi  peu  de  chofe,  qu'on  n'en  pent  pas  faire  fi 
grand  eftat  qu'il  pourroit  fembler,  d'autant  que  par 
la  confeffion  meme  de  ceux  qui  en  ont  ecrit  les 
hiftoires  ils  ont  preque  tue  tous  les  naturels  du  pais, 
&  en  fait  nombre  vn  certain  hiftorien,  de  plus  de 
vingt  millions,  des  il  y  a  foixante  dix  ans.  L'An- 
glois  depuis  vingt-cinq  ans  a  pris  pi6  en  vne  terre  qui 
git  entre  la  Floride,  &  le  pais  des  Armouchiquois, 
laquelle  terre  a  efte  appellee  Virginie  en  I'honneur 
de  la  defunc5te  Royne  d'Angleterre,  Mais  eette 
nation  fait  fes  affaires  fi  fecretement,  que  peu  de  gens 
en  f9auent  de  [10]  nouvelles  certaines.  Peu  apres 
que  i'eu  public  mon  Hiftoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France 
on  fit  vn  embarquemet  de  huit  cens  hommes  pour  y 
envoyer.  II  n'eft  point  mention  qu'ils  fe  foient  lav6 
les  mains  au  fang  de  ces  peuples.  En  quoy  ils  ne 
font  ni  k  loiier,  ni  h.  blamer:  car  il  n'y  a  aucune  loy, 
ni  aucun  pretexte,  qui  permette  de  tuer  qui  que  ce 
foit,  &  meme  ceux  des  biens  defquelz  nous-nous  em- 


_^M..^     ..-..„ 


1 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


61 


pened  in  the  time  of  Noah.  It  remains  now  to 
deplore  the  wretched  condition  of  these  people  who 
occupy  a  country  so  large  that  the  old  world  bears  no 
comparison  with  it,  if  we  include  the  land  which  lies 
beyond  the  straits  of  Magellan,  called  [9J  Tirra  del 
fugo,  extending  as  far  toward  China  and  Japan  as 
toward  New  Guinea;  and  also  the  country  beyond 
the  great  river  of  Canada,"  which  stretches  out  to  the 
East  and  is  washed  by  the  great  Western  ocean. 
Dense  ignorance  prevails  in  all  these  countries,  where 
there  is  no  evidence  that  they  have  ever  felt  the 
breath  of  the  Gospel,  except  in  this  last  century  when 
the  Spaniard  carried  thither  some  light  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  together  with  his  cruelty  and  avarice.''' 
But  this  was  vSo  little  that  it  should  not  receive  much 
consideration,  since  by  the  very  confession  of  those 
who  have  wri<^^cn  their  histories,  they  have  killed 
almost  all  the  natives  of  the  country,  who,  only  sev- 
enty years  ago,  according  to  a  certain  historian,"  num- 
bered more  than  twenty  millions.  For  more  than 
twenty-five  years,  the  English  have  retained  a  foot- 
hold in  a  country  called,  in  honor  of  the  deceased 
Queen  of  England,  Virginia,  which  lies  between 
Florida  and  the  land  of  the  Armouchiquois."  But  that 
country  carries  on  its  affairs  with  so  much  secrecy, 
that  very  few  persons  know  [10]  anything  definite 
about  it.  Soon  after  I  published  my  History  of  New 
France,^"  there  was  an  embarkation  of  eight  hundred 
men  to  be  sent  there.  It  is  not  reported  that  they 
bathed  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  those  people,  for 
which  they  are  neither  to  be  praised  nor  blamed :  for 
there  is  no  law  nor  pretext  which  permits  us  to  kill 
anyone,  whosoever  he  may  be,  and  especially  the  per- 
sons whose  property  we  have  seized.     But  they  are 


! 


I 


62 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  j/tSUITES  [Vol.  1 


\\  Is  \  '! 


f 


parons.  Mais  ils  font  h  prifer  s'ils  montrent  h.  ces 
pauvres  ignorans  le  chemin  de  faint  par  la  vraye  & 
non  fardel  docitrine  Evangelique.  Quant  k  noz  Fran- 
9ois  ic  mc  fuis  affez  plaint  en  madite  Hifloire  de  la 
poltronnerie  dn  temps  d'aiijourd'huy,  &  du  pen  de 
zele  que  nous  avons  foit  .\  redreiTer  ces  pauvres 
errans,  foit  h  faire  que  le  nom  de  Dieu  foit  coneu  ex- 
alted &  glorifi^  en  ces  terres  d'outre  mer,  ou  jamais  il 
ne  le  fut.  Et  toutefois  nous  voulons  que  cela  porte 
le  nom  de  France,  nom  tant  augufte  &  venerable,  que 
nous  ne  pouvons  fans  lionte  nous  glorifier  d'vne 
France  qui  n'eft  point  Chr(5tienne.  le  fgay  qu'il  ne 
manque  pas  de  gens  de  bone  volont^  pour  y  aller. 
Mais  pourquoy  [i  i]  I'Eglife,  qui  poffede  tant  de  biens; 
mais  pourquoy  les  Grands,  qui  font  tant  de  depenfes 
fuperflues,  ne  financent-ilz  quelque  chofe  pour  I'exe- 
cution  d'vn  fi  faindl  oeuvre?  Deux  Gentils-hommes 
pleins  de  courage  en  ces  derniers  teps  fe  font  trouvez 
zeles  h  ceci,  les  Sieurs  de  Monts,  &  de  Poutrincourt, 
lefquels  h.  leurs  deepens  fe  font  enerv(5s,  &  ont  fait 
plus  que  leurs  forces  ne  pouvoient  porter.  L'vn  & 
1 'autre  ont  continue  jufques  k  prefent  leurs  voyages. 
Mais  l'vn  a  eftd  deceu  par  deux  fois,  &  eft  tomb6  en 
grand  interefl  pour  s'eftre  rendu  trop  credule  aux 
paroles  de  quelques  vns.  Or  d'autant  que  les  der- 
nieres  nouvelles  que  nous  avons  de  notre  Nouvelle- 
France  viennent  de  la  part  du  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
nous  dirons  ici  ce  qui  eft  de  fon  fait :  &  avons  iufte 
fujet  d'exalter  fon  courage,  entant  que  ne  pouvant 
viure  parmi  la  tourbe  des  hommes  oififs,  dont  nous 
n'abondons  que  trop;  &  voyant  notre  France  comme 
languir  au  repos  d'vn  calme  ennuieux  aux  homes  de 
travail :  apres  avoir  en  mille  occafions  fait  preuve  de 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


(i3 


to  be  commended  if  they  show  to  these  poor  ignorant 
people  the  way  of  salvation  by  the  true  and  unvar- 
nished doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  As  to  our  French 
people,  I  have  complained  enough  in  my  History  of 
the  cowardice  of  these  later  times,  and  of  our  lack  of 
zeal  either  in  reclaiming  these  poor  erring  ones,  or  in 
making  known,  exalted,  and  glorified,  the  name  of 
God  in  the  lands  beyond  the  seas,  where  it  never  has 
been  proclaimed.  And  yet  we  wish  that  country  to 
bear  the  name  of  France,  a  name  so  august  and 
venerable  that  we  cannot,  without  a  feeling  of  shame, 
glory  in  an  un-Christianized  France.  I  know  that 
there  are  any  number  of  people  who  are  willing  to  go 
there.  But  why  is  it  that  [i  i]  the  Church,  which  has 
so  much  wealth;  why  is  it  that  the  Nobility,  who  ex- 
pend so  much  needlessly,  do  not  establish  some  fund 
for  the  execution  of  so  holy  a  work  ?  Two  courage- 
ous Gentlemen,  Sieurs  de  Monts  and  de  Poutrincourt, 
have  in  these  later  times  shown  such  great  zeal  in  this 
work,  that  they  have  weakened  their  resources  by 
their  outlays,  and  have  done  more  than  their  strength 
justified  them  in  doing.  Both  have  continued  their 
voyages  up  to  the  present  time.  But  one  of  them 
has  been  frustrated  twice,  and  has  had  heavy  losses 
through  too  great  confidence  in  the  words  of  certain 
persons.  Now,  inasmuch  as  the  latest  news  of  our 
New  France  comes  from  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  we 
shall  speak  here  of  what  he  has  accomplivshed,  and 
we  have  good  reason  to  praise  his  courage ;  for  (not 
being  able  to  live  among  the  crowd  of  idle  men,  of 
whom  we  have  only  too  many,  and  seeing  our  France 
seeming  to  languish  in  a  monotonous  calm  that  was 
wearisome  to  men  of  action),  after  having  given  a 
thousand  proofs  of  his  valor  during  the  last  twenty- 


I 


I 


i 

111 


64 


LES  RELATIONS  DBS  jESUITES  [Vol.  1 


>J 


fa  valeiir  depuis  vingt  qtiatre  ans  enga;  il  a  voulu 
coroner  [12]  fes  labeurs  vrayement  Herciileens  par  la 
caufe  de  Dieu,  pour  laquelle  il  employe  fes  moyens 
&  fes  forces,  &  va  hazardant  fa  vie,  pour  accroitre  le 
nonibre  des  citoyens  des  cieux,  &  amener  k  la  ber- 
^'e.r'xQ  clc  lefus-Chrift  notre  fouverain  Pafteur,  les 
brebis  egarees,  lefquelles  il  feroit  bien-feant  aux 
Prelats  de  I'Eglife  d'aller  reciiillir  (dii  moins  contri- 
buer  h.  cet  effedt)  puis  qu'ils  en  ont  le  moyen.  Mais 
aveccombien  de  travaux  s'eft-il  employe  jufques  ici  h 
cela  ?  Voici  la  troifieme  fois  qu'il  paffe  le  grand 
Ocean  pour  parvenir  ^  ce  but.  La  premiere  annee  fe 
palTa  avec  le  fieur  de  Monts  ^  chercher  vne  demeure 
propre  &  vn  port  alTeur(S  pour  la  retraite  des  vailf  eaux 
&  des  hommes  Ce  qui  ne  fucceda  pas  bien.  La 
feconde  annee  fut  employee  "k  la  mefme  chofe,  &  lors 
ii  eftoit  en  France.  En  la  troifieme  nous  fimes 
epreuve  de  la  terre,  laquelle  nous  rendit  abondam- 
ment  le  fruic'l  de  notre  culture:  Cette  annee  icy 
voyant  par  vne  mauvaife  experience  que  les  hommes 
font  trompeur.^,  il  ne  s'ell  phis  voulu  attendre  ^  autre 
qu'^  luy-meme,  &  [s'Jelt  mis  en  mer  le  26.  Fevrier, 
ayant  eu  [13]  temps  fort  contraire  en  fa  navigation, 
laquelle  a  efle  la  plus  longue  dont  i'aye  jamais  oui 
parler.  Certes  la  notre  nous  fut  fort  ennuieufe  il  y  a 
trois  ans,  ayans  eft6  vagabons  I'efpace  de  deux 
mois  &  demi  fur  la  mer  avant  qu'arriver  au  Port 
Royal.  Mais  en  cettc-ci  ils  ont  efle  trois  mois 
entiers.  De  forte  qu'vn  indifcret  fe  feroit  mutine 
jufques  a  faire  de  mauvaifesconfpirations:  toutesfois 
la  benignite  dudit  Sieur  de  Por^rincourt  &  le  refpedt 
da  iieu  oil  il  demeuroit  ^  Paris,  lui  ont  ferui  de  bou- 
clier  pour  luy  garentir  la  vie.     La  premiere  coce  ou 


1 


lBlO-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


66 


four  years,  he  sought  to  crown  [12]  his  truly  Herculean 
Irbors  in  the  cause  of  God,  for  which  he  employs  his 
means  and  strength,  and  endangers  his  life,  by  in- 
creasing the  numbe;  of  celestial  citizens,  and  leading 
to  the  fold  of  Jesus  Christ,  our  sovereign  Shepherd, 
the  wandering  sheep,  whom  it  would  be  becoming  to 
the  Prelates  of  the  Church  to  go  out  and  gather  in  ( at 
least  to  contribute  to  this  end )  since  they  have  the 
means  of  doing  so.  But  with  what  difficulty  has  he 
labored  in  this  cause  up  to  the  present  time?  Thrice 
has  he  cross^  1  the  great  Ocean  to  carry  on  his  enter- 
prises. The  first  year  was  passed  with  sieur  de 
Monts  in  seeking  a  suitable  dwelling  and  a  safe  port 
for  the  withdrawal  of  the  ships  and  their  crews. 
In  this,  they  did  not  meet  with  much  success.  The 
second  year  passed  in  the  same  way,  and  then  he  re- 
turned to  France.  During  the  third  year,  we  experi- 
mented with  the  soil,  which  yielded  abundantly  to 
our  cultivation.  This  present  year,  discovering 
through  an  unfortunate  experience  that  men  are  not 
always  to  be  trusted,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  depend 
upon  no  one  but  himself,  and  put  to  sea  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  February;  the  [13J  weather  being  very  un- 
favorable, he  made  the  longest  .oyage  of  which  I 
have  ever  heard;  certainly  our  own,  three  years  ago, 
was  tedious  enough,  when  we  drifted  about  upon  the 
sea  for  the  space  of  two  months  and  a  half  before 
reaching  Port  Royal.  But  this  on  lastcd  three  whole 
months,  so  that  one  reci  Ifss  man  was  about  to 
mutiny,  going  so  far  as  to  ■..vva  wicked  conspiracies; 
but  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt's  kindness,  and  respect  for 
the  place  where  he  lived  in  Paris,  served  as  a  shield 
to  protect  his  life.  The  first  coast  which  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt   discovered   was    port    Mouton ;    there. 


IS 


:  I 


I 

I 


66 


LES  RELA  TIO  NS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


;    I 


\ 

f 


Terri'r, 

c'ejl  a 

dire  dc- 

cotivrir 

la  terre. 


Hiji.  dc 

la  Nou- 

vellc- 

Francc 

It'll.   2. 

chap.  37. 

/•  527- 


territ  iceluy  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  fut  au  port  au 
Mouton.  De  la  parmi  les  brouillas  qui  font  fort  fre- 
quens  le  long  de  I'Ete  en  cette  mer,  il  fe  trouva  en 
quelques  perils,  principalement  vers  le  Cap  de  Sable, 
on  fon  vailTeau  penfa  toucher  fur  les  brifans.  Depuis 
voulant  gaigner  le  Port  Royal,  il  fut  po^t6  par  la 
violence  des  vents  quarante  lieues  par-dela,  c'eft  h. 
fgavoir  h.  la  riviere  de  Norombega  tant  celebree  & 
fabuleufement  decrite  par  les  Geographes  &  Hifto- 
riens,  ainfi  que  i'aymonflre  en  madite  Hiftoire,  Ik  oti 
fe  pourra  voir  cette  navigation  par  la  Table  geogra- 
phique  [14]  que  i'y  ay  mife.  De-la  il  vint  h.  la  riviere 
faindt  lehan  qui  eft  vis  a  vis  du  Fort  Royal  pardela 
la  Baye  Frangoife,  oil  il  trouva  vn  navire  de  S.  Malo, 
qui  troquoit  avec  les  Sauvages  du  pais.  Et  la  il  eut 
plainte  d'vn  Capitaine  Sauvage  q  v  1  dudit  navire 
lui  auoit  ravi  fa  femme,  &  en  abufoit:  dont  ledit 
Sieur  fit  informer,  &  print  celui  la  prifonnier,  &  le 
navire  auffi.  Mais  il  laiffa  aller  ledit  navire  &  les 
matelots  fe  contentant  de  garder  le  rnalf aiteur :  lequel 
neantmoins  s'evada  dans  vne  chaloupe  &  fe  retira 
avec  les  Sauvages,  les  detournant  de  Tamitie  des 
Fran^oiS;  comme  nous  dirons  ci-apres.  En  fin  ar- 
riues  audit  Port  Royal  il  ne  fe  pent  dire  avec  combien 
de  ioye  ces  pauvres  peuples  receurent  ledit  Sieur  & 
fa  compagnie.  Et  de  verite  le  fujet  de  cette  ioye 
eftoit  d'autant  plus  grand  qu'ils  n'avoient  plus  d'ef- 
perance  de  voir  les  Frangois  habiter  aupres  d'eux, 
def quels  ils  auoient  rcffenti  les  courtoifies  lors  que 
nous  y  eftions,  dont  fc  voyans  priues,  auffi  pleuroient 
ils  a  chaudes  larmes  quand  ncus  partimes  de  \h.  il  y 
a  trois  ans.  En  ce  Port  Royal  eit  la  demeure  [15] 
dudict  fieur  de  Poutrincourt,  le  plus  beau  fejour  que 


If 


,H 


) 


1610-13] 


THE  /ESC/IT  RELA  TIONS 


67 


among  the-  fogs  which  are  very  common  in  this  sea 
during  the  Summer,  he  encountered  serious  dangers, 
principally  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Sable,  where 
his  ship  came  near  foundering.  Thence,  in  trying 
to  reach  Port  Royal,  he  was  carried  by  violent  winds 
forty  leagues  beyond,  namely  to  the  Norombega 
river,"  so  celebrated  and  so  fabulousl}''  described  by 
Geographers  and  Historians,  as  I  have  shown  in  my 
said  History,  where  this  voyage  may  be  seen  in  the 
geographical  Chart  [14]  which  I  have  inserted  therein. 
Thence  he  came  to  the  river  ;i;aint  John,  which  is 
opposite  Port  Royal  beyond  French  Bay,^~  where  he 
found  a  ship  from  St.  Malo  trading  with  the  Savages 
of  the  country.  Here  complaint  was  made  to  him  by 
a  Captain  of  the  Savages,  that  one  of  the  crew  of 
the  said  ship  had  stolen  away  his  wife  and  was  abusing 
her:  the  Sieur  informed  himself  about  the  matter  and 
then  made  a  prisoner  of  the  malefactor  and  seized 
the  ship.^'^  But  he  released  the  ship  and  the  sailors, 
contenting  himself  by  retaining  the  guilty  one,  who 
escaped,  however,  in  a  shallop,  and  went  off  with  the 
Savages,  prejudicing  them  against  the  French,  as  we 
shall  relate  hereafter.  Arrived  at  last  at  Port  Royal, 
it  is  impossible  to  describe  the  joy  with  which  these 
poor  people  received  the  Sieur  and  his  company. 
And,  in  truth,  there  was  still  greater  reason  for  this 
joy,  since  they  had  lost  all  hope  of  ever  again  seeing 
the  French  live  among  them.  They  had  had  some 
experience  of  our  kind  treatmient  while  we  were 
there,  and,  .seeing  themselves  deprived  of  it,  they 
\  spt  bitterly  when  we  left  them  three  years  ago. 

This  Port  Royal,  the  home  [15]  of  sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  is  the  most  beautiful  earthly  habitation  that  God 
has  ever  made.     It  is  fortified  upon  the  North  by  a 


Terrt'r, 

meaning  to 

discover 

the  land. 


History  of 

New 

France, 

book  2, 

chap.  j7, 

P-  527- 


\ 


?    I 


i  \^  I  i 


I  i^  ^1 


rl   I 


6» 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Voi..  1 


V    1- 


:^,J 


s 


{ 


Die*i  ait  form^  fur  la  terre,  rempar^  d'un  rang  de  12 
ou  15.  lieues  de  montr.gnes  du  cote  du  Nort,  fur  lef- 
quelles  bat  le  Soleil  tout  le  iour :  &  de  cotaux  au  cote 
du  vSu,  ou  Midi :  lequel  au  refte  peut  contenir  vingt 
milles  vaiffeaux  en  alTeurance,  ayant  vingt  braffes  de 
profond  a  fon  entree,  vne  lieue  &  demie  de  large,  & 
quatre  de  long  jufques  h  vne  ile  qui  a  vne  lieue  Fran- 
9oife  de  circuit:  dans  lequel  i'ay  veu  quelquefois  "k 
I'aife  noiier  vne  moyenne  Baleine,  qui  ve^ioit  auec  le 
flot  a  huic5t  heures  au  matin  par  chacun  jour.  Au 
refte  dans  ce  port  fe  peche  en  la  faifon  grande  quan- 
tity de  harens,  d'eplans,  (ou  eperlans)  fardines,  bars, 
morues,  loups-marins,  &  autre  poiffons :  &  quant  aux 
coquillages,  on  y  recueille  force  houmars,  crappes, 
palourdes,  coques,  monies,  efcargots,  &  chatagines  de 
mer.  Mais  qui  voudra  aller  au  deffus  du  flot  de  la 
mer  il  pechera  en  la  riviere  force  eturgeons  &  fau- 
mons,  a  la  deffaidte  defquels  il  y  a  vn  fingulier 
plaifir.  Or  pour  reprendre  noftre  lil,  le  Sieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt  arrive  [6  i.e.  16]  \k  a  trouve  fes  batimens 
tout  en  tiers  fans  que  les  Sauvages  (ainfi  a-on  appelle 
ces  peuples  Ik  iufques  a  maintenant)  y  eulTenc  touche 
en  aucune  fa9on,  ny  meme  aux  meubles  qu'on  y  avoit 
lailTe.  Et  foucieux  de  leurs  vieux  amis  ils  deman- 
doient  comme  vn  chacun  d'eux  fe  portoit,  les  nommant 
particulierement  par  leurs  noms  communs,  &  deman- 
dans  pourquoy  tels  &  tels  n'y  eftoient  retournez.  Ceci 
demontre  vne  grade  debonairete  en  ce  peuple,  lequel 
auffi  ayant  en  nous  reconu  toute  humanitd,  ne  nous 
fuit  point  ;  comme  il  fait  I'Hefpagnol  en  tout  ce 
grand  monde  nouveau.  Et  confequemmenc  par  vne 
douceur  &  courtoifie,  qui  leur  eft  auffi  familiere  qr'a 
nous,  il  eft  aife  de  les  faire  plier  a  tout  ce  que  Ton 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


69 


range  of  12  or  15  leagues  of  mountains,  upon  which 
the  Sun  beats  all  day,  and  by  hills  on  the  Southern 
or  Meridian  shore,  which  forms  a  port  that  can  se- 
curely harbor  twenty  thousand  ships,  being  twenty 
fathoms  deep  at  its  entrance,  a  league  and  a  half  in 
width,  and  four  leagues  long,  extending  to  an  island 
which  is  a  French  league  in  circumference:  here  I 
have  sometimes  seen  swimming  at  ease  a  medium- 
sized  Whale,  which  came  in  with  the  tide  at  eight 
o'clock  every  morning.  Furthermore,  there  can  be 
caught  in  this  port,  in  their  season,  great  quantities 
of  herring,  smelt,  sardines,  barbels,  codfish,  seals  and 
other  fish ;  and  as  to  shell-fish,  there  is  an  abundance 
of  lobsters,  crabs,  palourdes,^'*  cockles,  mussels,  snails, 
and  porpoises.  But  whoever  is  disposed  to  go  beyond 
the  tides  of  the  sea  will  find  in  the  river  quanti- 
ties of  sturgeon  and  salmon,  and  will  have  plenty  of 
sport  in  landing  them.  Now,  to  return  to  our  story; 
When  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  arrived  [6  i.e.  16]  there, 
he  found  his  buildings  entire,  the  Savages  (as  these 
people  have  been  called  up  to  the  present)  not  hav- 
ing touched  them  in  any  way,  even  the  furniture  re- 
maining as  we  had  left  it.  Anxious  about  their  old 
friends,  they  asked  how  they  were  all  getting  along, 
calling  each  individual  by  his  name,  and  asking  why 
such  and  such  a  one  had  not  come  back.  This  shows 
the  great  amiability  of  these  people,  who,  having 
seen  in  us  only  the  most  humane  qualities,  never  flee 
from  us,  as  they  do  from  the  Spaniard  in  this  whole 
new  world.  And  consequently  by  a  certain  gentle- 
ness and  courtesy,  which  are  as  well  known  to  them 
as  to  us,  it  is  easy  to  make  them  pliant  to  all  our 
wishes,  and  especiallj'-  so  in  regard  to  Religion,  of 
which  we  left  them  i,ome  good  impressions  when  we 


70 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


I! 


'I 


If 


i 


Aux 

Hebr.  ii. 

verf.  6. 


voudra,  &  particulierement  pour  ce  qui  louche  le 
point  de  la  Religion,  de  laquelle  nous  leur  avions 
bailie  de  bonnes  imprelTios  lors  que  nous  eftions  aupres 
d'eux,  &  ne  defiroient  pas  mieux  que  de  fe  ranger  fouz 
la  banniere  de  lesus-Chrift :  h,  quoy  ils  eullent  v-fte 
receuz  dcs  lors,  fi  nous  euffions  eu  vn  pie  ferme  en  la 
terre.  Mais  comme  nous  penfions  continuer,  [17] 
avint  que  le  fieur  de  Monts  ne  pouvant  plus  fournir  \ 
la  depenfe,  &  le  Roy  ne  I'alTiftant  point,  il  fut  contraint 
de  revoquer  tous  ceux  qui  eftoient  pardelh,  lefquels 
n'avoient  port4  les  chofes  necelTaires  a  vne  plus  longue 
demeure.  Ainfi  c'euft  eft6  temerity  &  folie  de  con- 
ferer  le  bapteme  k  ceux  qu'il  euft  fallu  par  apres 
abandonner,  &  leur  donner  fujet  de  retourner  k  leur 
vomiffement.  Mais  maintenant  que  c'eft  k  bon 
efcient,  &  que  ledit  fieur  de  Poutrincourt  fait  pardelk 
fa  demeure  ac^uelle,  il  eft  loifible  de  leur  imprimer 
le  charadtere  Chretien  fur  le  front  &  en  I'ame,  apres 
les  avoir  inftruit  es  principaux  articles  de  notre  Foy. 
Ce  qu'a  eu  foin  de  faire  ledit  Sieur,  fachant  ce  que  dit 
I'Apotre,  que  ccliiy  qui  s' approche  dc  Dieu  doibt  croire  que 
Dicii  eft :  Sc  apres  cette  croyance,  peu  h  peu  on  vient 
aux  chofes  qui  font  plus  eloign^es  du  fens  commun, 
comme  de  croire  que  d'vn  rien  Dieu  ait  fait  toutes 
chofes,  qu'il  fe  foit  fait  homme,  qu'il  foit  nay  d'vne 
Vierge,  qu'il  ait  voulu  mourir  pour  I'homme,  &c.  Et 
d'autant  que  les  hommes  Ecclefiaftics  qui  ont  eft6 
portes  pardela  ne  font  encore  [18]  inftruits  en  la  langue 
de  ces  peuples,  ledit  Sieur  a  pris  la  peine  de  les  in- 
ftruire  &  les  faire  inflruire  par  I'organe  de  fon  fils  ain6 
jeune  Gentilhomme  qui  entend  &  parle  fort  bien  ladite 
langue,  &  qui  seble  eftre  ne  pour  leur  ouvrir  le  che- 
min  des  cieux.     Les  hommes  qui  font  au  Port  Royal, 


K  11 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


71 


were  there ;  and  they  seemed  to  wish  for  nothing  bet- 
ter than  to  enroll  themselves  under  the  banner  of 
Jesus  Christ,  where  they  would  have  been  received 
at  once  if  we  had  had  a  firm  foothold  in  the  country. 
But  just  as  we  were  hoping  to  continue  [17]  the  work, 
it  happened  that  sieur  de  Monts,  being  unable  longer 
to  meet  the  expenses,  and  not  receiving  any  help 
from  the  King,  was  obliged  to  recall  all  those  who 
were  over  there,  who  had  not  taken  with  them  the 
means  necessary  to  a  longer  sojourn.  »So  it  would 
have  been  rash  and  unwise  to  administer  baptism  to 
people  whom  it  was  necessary  afterwards  to  abandon, 
and  give  them  an  opportunity  to  return  to  their  cor- 
ruption. But  now  that  the  work  is  being  carried  on 
in  earnest,  and  as  sieur  de  Poutrincourt  has  actually 
settled  there,  it  is  lawful  to  impress  upon  their  minds 
and  souls  the  stamp  of  Christianity,  after  having 
instructed  them  in  the  principal  articles  of  our  Faith. 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  is  careful  to  do  this,  remem- 
bering what  the  Apostle  said,  He  that  conicth  to  God,  Hebrews  n, 
must  believe  that  he  is ;  and  after  believing  this,  one  ■^^'^•^-  ^■ 
comes  gradually  to  ideas  which  are  farther  removed 
from  mere  sensual  apprehension,  such  as  the  belief 
that  out  of  nothing  God  created  all  things,  that  he 
made  himself  man,  that  he  was  born  of  a  Virgin, 
that  he  consented  to  die  for  man,  etc.  And  inas- 
much as  the  Ecclesiastics  who  have  been  taken  over 
there  are  not  [18]  familiar  with  the  language  of  these 
people,  the  Sieur  has  taken  the  trouble  to  teach  them 
and  to  have  them  taught  by  his  eldest  son,  a  young 
Gentleman  who  understands  and  speaks  the  native 
language  very  well,  and  who  seems  to  have  been 
destined  to  open  up  to  the  Savages  the  way  to 
heaven.     The  people  who  are  at  Port  Royal,  and  in 


I 


I 


! 


!• 


IP 


1 

1    ■ 

if 


■\ 


Ammuin 
MarcelltH. 


i   i 


Efai.  41. 

-erf.  25 

leretn.  51. 

ver/.  23. 

Santes 

Pagmn,  9. 


72  LES  RELATIONS  DBS  j£SUITES  [Vol.1 

&  terres  adjacentes  tirant  vers  la  Terre-neuve,  s'ap- 
pellent  Souriquois,  &  ont  leur  langue  propre.  Mais 
palT^e  la  Baye  Franyoife,  qui  a  environ  40.  lieues  de 
profond  dans  les  terres,  &  10.  ou  12.  lieues  de  large, 
les  hommes  de  1 'autre  part  s'appellent  Etechemins, 
&  plus  loin  font  les  Armouchiquois  peuple  diftingu6 
de  langagc  de  ceux-ci,  &  lequel  ell  heureux  en  qua- 
tite  de  belles  vignes  &  gros  raifms,  s'il  fgavoit 
conoitre  I'vtilite  de  ce  fruit,  lequel  (ainfi  que  nos 
vieux  Gauliois)  il  penfe  eflre  poifon.  II  a  auffi  de  la 
chave  excellente  que  la  nature  lui  donne,  laquelle  en 
beaute  and  bote  paHe  de  beaucoup  la  notre :  8c  outre 
ce  le  SalTafras,  force  chenes,  noyers,  pruniers,  cha- 
taigniers,  &  autres  fruits  qui  ne  font  venus  h.  notre 
conoilTance.  Quant  au  Port  Royal  ie  veux  confeffer 
qu'il  n'y  a  pas  [19]  tant  de  fruits:  &  neantmoins  la 
terre  y  efl  plantureufe  pour  y  efperer  tout  ce  que  la 
France  Gaulloife  nous  produit.  Tous  ces  peuples  fe 
gouvernent  par  Capitaines  qu'ils  appellent  Sagamos, 
mot  qui  eft  pris  es  Indes  Orientales  en  meme  fignifica- 
tion,  ainfi  que  i'ay  leu  en  Thiftoire  de  Maffeus,  & 
lequel  Teftime  venir  du  mot  Hebrieu  Sagan,cim  fignifie 
Grand  Prince,  felon  Rabbi  David,  &  quelquefois  celui 
qui  tient  le  fecond  lieu  apres  le  fouverain  Pontife. 
En  la  verfion  ordinaire  de  la  Bible  il  eft  pris  pour  le 
Magifirat :  &  neantmoins  Ik  meme  les  interpretes  He- 
brieux  le  tournet  Prince.  Et  de  fait  nous  lifons  dans 
Berofe  que  Noe  fut  appelle  Saga  tant  pour  ce  qu'il 
eftoit  grand  Prince,  que  pour  ce  qu'il  avoit  enfeigne  la 
Theologie,  &  les  ceremonies  du  fervice  divin,  avec 
beaucoup  de  fecrets  des  chofes  natureles,  aux  Scytes 
Armeniens,  que  les  anciens  Cofmographes  appellerent 
Sages  du  nom  de  Noe.     Et  para  venture  pour  cette 


lClO-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


78 


the  adjacent  countries  extending  toward  Newfound- 
land, are  called  Souriquois'^  and  have  a  language  of 
their  own.  But  beyond  French  Bay,  which  extends 
into  the  land  about  forty  leagues,  and  is  ten  or  twelve 
leagues  wide,  the  people  on  the  other  side  are  called 
Etechemins ;  and  still  farther  away  are  the  Armouchi- 
quois,  whose  language  is  different  from  that  of  the 
Etechemins,  and  who  are  fortunate  in  having  an 
abundance  of  vines  and  large  grapes,  if  they  only 
knew  how  to  make  use  of  this  fruit,  which  they  be- 
lieve (as  did  our  ancient  Gauls)  to  be  poisonous. 
They  also  have  excellent  hemp,  which  grows  wild, 
and  in  quality  and  appearance  is  much  superior  to 
ours.  Besides  this  they  have  Sassafras,  and  a  great 
abundance  of  oak,  walnut,  plum  and  chestnut  trees, 
and  other  fruits  which  are  unknown  to  us.  As  to 
Port  Royal,  I  must  confess  that  there  is  not  [19]  much 
fruit  there;  and  yet  the  land  is  productive  enough  to 
make  us  hope  from  it  all  that  Gallic  France  yields  to 
us.  All  these  tribes  are  governed  by  Captains  called 
Sagamores,  a  word  used  with  the  same  signification 
in  the  East  Indies,  as  I  have  read  in  the  History  by 
Maffeus,^"  and  which  I  believe  comes  from  the  He- 
brew word  Sagan,  which,  according  to  Rabbi  David, 
means  Great  Prince,  and  sometimes  means  the  one 
who  holds  the  second  place  after  the  sovereign  Pon- 
tiff. In  the  usual  version  of  the  Bible  it  is  defined 
"  Magistrate,"  and  yet  even  there  the  Hebrew  inter- 
preters translate  it  by  the  word  "Prince."  And  in 
fact  we  read  in  Berosus'^  that  Noah  was  called  Saga, 
as  much  because  he  was  a  great  Prince  as  because  he 
had  taught  Theology  and  the  ceremonies  of  divine 
service,  and  also  many  of  the  secrets  of  nature,  to 
the  Armenian  Scythians,  whom  the  ancient  Cosmog- 


Ainmianus 

Marccl- 

linus. 


Isaiah  41, 
vers.  2j, 

Jcrem,  //, 

vers.  2j, 

Sanies 

PagniHy  9. 


74 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J ASUITES  [Vol.  1 


\\ 


m^me  confideration  ont  ?fl(5  appell^s  nos  Ted;ofages, 
qui  font  les  Tolofains.  Car  ce  bon  pere  rcllaurateur 
du  monde  vint  en  Italic,  &  envoya  [20]  repeupler  les 
GaiiUes  apres  le  Deluge,  donnant  fon  nom  de  Gaul- 
lois  (car  Xenophon  dit  qu'il  fut  auffi  appell(3  de  ce 
nom)  "k  ceux  qu'il  y  envoya,  par  ce  qu'il  avoit  efld 
echappc  dcs  caux.  Et  n'eft  pas  inconvenient  que 
lui-meme  n'ait  impofe  le  nom  aux  Tedtofages.  Re- 
venons  a  notre  mot  de  Sagamos  lequel  eft  le  tiltre 
d'honneur  des  Capitaines  en  ces  Terres  neuves  dont 
nous  parlous.  Au  Port  Royal  le  Capitaine,  ou  Saga- 
mos dudit  lieu  s'appelle  en  fon  nom  Membertou.  II 
eft  age  de  cent  ans  pour  le  moins,  &  pent  naturelle- 
ment  vivre  encore  plus  de  cinquante.  II  a  fous  foy 
plufieurs  families,  aufqiielles  il  commande,  non  point 
avec  taut  d'authorite  que  fait  notre  Roy  fur  fes 
fujets,  mais  pour  haranguer,  donner  confeil,  marcher 
£\  la  guerre,  faire  raifon  h  celui  qui  regoit  quelque 
injure,  &  chofes  feblables.  II  ne  met  point  d'impoft 
fur  le  peuple.  Mais  s'il  y  a  de  la  chaff e  il  en  a  fa 
part  fans  qu'il  foit  tenu  d'y  aller.  Vray  eft  qu'on  lui 
fait  quelquefois  des  prefens  de  peaux  de  Caftors,  ou 
autre  chofe,  quand  il  eft  employe  pour  la  guerifon  de 
quelque  malade,  ou  pour  interroger  [21]  fon  daemon 
(qu'il  appelle  Aoutcvi)  afin  d'auoir  nouvelle  de  quel- 
que chofe  future,  ou  abfente :  car  chaque  village,  ou 
compagnie  de  Sauvages,  ayant  vn  Aoutinoin,  c'eft  h. 
dire  Devin,  qui  fait  cet  office,  Membertou  eft  celui 
qui  de  grande  anciennete  h.  prattiqu6  cela  entre  ceux 
parmi  lefquels  il  a  converfe.  vSi  bicn  qu'il  eft  en 
credit  pardefTus  tous  les  autres  Sagamos  du  pais,  aiat 
des  fa  jeuneffe  efte  grand  Capitaine,  &  parmi  '  ^la 
exerce  I'office  de  Devin  &  de  Mcdecin,  qui  font  les 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


76 


raphcrs  called  ' '  Sages, ' '  after  Noah.  And  perhaps  for 
this  very  same  reason  our  Tectosages,  who  are  the 
Tolosains,'^  are  so  called.  For  this  good  father,  who 
rCvStored  the  world,  came  into  Italy  and  sent  [20 1  a 
new  population  into  Gaul  after  the  Deluge,  giving  his 
name,  Oauls  (for  Xenophon  says  that  he  was  also  called 
by  this  name),  to  those  whom  he  sent  there,  because 
he  had  escaped  from  the  waters.  And  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  he  himself  imposed  this  name  upon  the 
Tectosages.  Let  us  return  to  our  word  Sagamore, 
which  is  the  title  of  honor  given  to  the  Captains  in 
these  new  Lands,  of  which  we  are  speaking.  At  Port 
Royal,  the  name  of  the  Captain  or  Sagamore  of  the 
place  is  Membertou.''*  He  is  at  least  a  himdred  years 
old,  and  may  in  the  course  of  nature  live  more  than 
fifty  years  longer.  He  has  under  him  a  number  of 
families  whom  he  rules,  not  with  so  much  authority 
as  does  our  King  over  his  subjects,  but  with  sufficient 
power  to  harangue,  advise,  and  lead  them  to  war,  to 
render  justice  to  one  who  has  a  grievance,  and  like 
matters.  He  does  not  impose  taxes  upon  the  people, 
but  if  there  are  any  profits  from  the  chase  he  has  a 
share  of  them,  without  being  obliged  to  take  part  in 
it.  It  is  true  that  they  sometimes  make  him  presents  of 
Beaver  skins  and  other  things,  when  he  is  occupied  in 
curing  the  sick,  or  in  questioning  [2 1]  his  demon  (whom 
he  calls  Aoufcni)  to  have  news  of  some  future  event  or 
of  the  absent:  for,  as  each  village,  or  company  of 
Savages,  has  an  Aoutmoin,  or  Prophet,  who  performs 
this  office,  Membertou  is  the  one  who,  from  time 
immemorial,  has  practiced  this  art  among  his  follow- 
ers. He  has  done  it  so  well  that  his  reputation  is  far 
above  that  of  all  the  other  Sagamores  of  the  country, 
he  having  been  since  his  youth  a  great  Captain,  and 


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76 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


I 


trois  chofes  plus  efficaces  h  obliger  les  hommes,  &  k 
fe  rendre  necelTaire  en  cefte  vie  humaine.  Or  ce 
Membertou  aujourd'huy  par  la  grace  de  Dieu  eft 
Chretien  avec  toute  fa  famille,  aiant  efte  baptize,  & 
vingt  autres  ..pres  lui,  le  jour  faindt  lehan  dernier  24. 
luin.  Ten  ay  lettres  dudit  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  en 
datte  du  vnzieme  jour  de  luillet  enfuivant.  Ledit 
Membertou  a  efte  nomme  du  nom  de  notre  feu  bon 
Roy  Henry  IIII.  &  fon  fils  a\n6  du  nom  de  Mon- 
feigneur  le  Dauphin  aujourd'huy  notre  Roy  LoviS 
XIII.  que  Dieu  benie.  Et  ainfi  confequemment  la 
femme  de  Membertou  a  [22]  efte  nommee  Marie  du 
nom  de  la  Royne  Regente,  &  k  f a  fille  a  efte  impofe 
le  nom  de  la  Roine  Margverite.  Le  fecond  fils  de 
Membertou  dit  Adlaudin  fut  nomme  Pavl  du  nom  de 
notre  faindl  Pere  le  Pape  de  Rome.  La  fille  du  fufdit 
liOuis  eut  nom  Christine  en  I'honneur  de  Madame 
la  foeur  ainee  du  Roy.  Et  confequemment  h.  chacun 
fut  impofe  le  nom  de  quelque  illuftre,  ou  notable  per- 
fonnage  de  dega.  Plufieurs  autres  Sauvages  eftoient 
lors  allez  cabanner  ailleurs  (comme  c'eft  leur  coutume 
de  fe  difperser  par  bendes  quand  I'efte  eft  venu)  lors 
de  ces  folennitez  de  regeneration  Chretienne,  lef- 
quels  nous  eftimons  eftre  aujourd'huy  enrolles  en  la 
famille  de  Dieu  par  le  meme  lavemet  du  faindt  bap- 
teme.  Mais  le  diable,  qui  iamais  ne  dort,  en  cefte 
occurrence  ici  a  temoigne  la  jaloufie  qu'il  avoit  du 
falut  annonce  h  ce  peuple,  &  de  voir  que  le  nom  de 
Dieu  fuft  glorifie  en  cette  terre:  ayant  fufcite  vn 
mauvais  Frangois,  non  Frangois,  mais  Turc:  non 
Turc,  mais  Athee,  pour  detourner  du  fentier  de  falut 
plufieurs  Sauvages  qui  eftoient  Chretiens  en  leur  ame 
&  de  [2  3]  volonte  des  il  y  a  trois  ans :  &  entre  autres  vn 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


77 


also  having  exercised  the  offices  of  Soothsayer  and 
Medicine-man,  which  are  the  three  things  most  effica- 
cious to  the  well-being  of  man,  and  necessary  to  this 
human  life.  Now  this  Membertou  to-day,  by  the  grace 
of  God,  is  a  Christian,  together  with  all  his  family, 
having  been  baptized,  and  twenty  others  with  him,  on 
last  saint  John's  day,  the  24th  of  June.  I  have 
letters  from  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  about  it,  dated  the 
eleventh  day  of  July  following.  He  said  Membertou 
was  named  after  our  late  good  King  Henri  IV.,  and 
his  eldcF:  son  after  Monseigneur  the  Dauphm,  to-day 
our  King  Louis  XHI.,  whom  may  God  bless.  And  so, 
as  a  natural  consequence,  the  Avife  of  Membertou  [22] 
was  named  Marie  after  the  Queen  Regent,  and  her 
daughter  received  the  name  of  the  Queen,  Margue- 
rite. The  second  son  of  Membertou,  called  A.  taudin, 
was  named  Paul  after  our  holy  Father,  the  Pope  of 
Rome.  The  daughter  of  the  aforesaid  Louis  was 
named  Christine  in  honor  of  Madame,  the  eldest 
sister  of  the  King.  And  thus  to  each  one  was  given 
the  nai-ie  of  some  illustrious  or  notable  personage 
here  in  France.  A  number  of  other  Savages  were 
about  to  camp  elsewhere  ( as  it  is  their  custom  to 
scatter  in  bands  when  summer  comes)  at  the  time  of 
these  ceremonies  of  Christian  regeneration,  whom  we 
believe  to  be  to-day  enrolled  in  the  family  of  God  by 
the  same  cleansing  water  of  holy  baptism. ^'^  But  the 
devil,  who  never  sleeps,  has  shown  the  jealousy 
which  he  felt  at  the  salvation  of  these  people,  and  at 
seeing  that  the  name  of  God  was  glorified  in  this 
la,nd,  by  inciting  a  wicked  Frenchman,  not  a  French- 
man but  a  Turk,  not  a  Turk  but  an  Atheist,  to  divert 
from  the  path  of  righteousness  several  Savages  who 
had  been  Christians  in  their  hearts  and  [23]  souls  for 


.1 


78 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.1 


I!         \ 


\ 


\t 


\>\ 


f 


Sagamos  nomm^  ChKoudun  homme  de  grand  credit, 
duquel  i'ay  fait  honorable  metion  en  mon  Hifloire  de 
la  Nouvelle-Frace,  par  ce  que  je  I'ay  veu  fur  tous 
autres  aymer  les  Fran9ois,  &  qu'il  admiroit  nos  inven- 
tions au  pris  de  leur  ignorance:  memes  que  s'eftant 
quelquefois  trouve  aux  remontrances  Chretiennes  qui 
fe  faifoient  par-de  Xk  h.  noz  Fragois  par  chacun 
Dimanche,  il  s'y  rendoit  attentif,  encores  qu'il  n'y 
entedift  rien:  &  davantage  avoit  pendu  devant  fa 
poitrine  le  figne  de  la  Croix,  lequel  il  faifoit  auffi 
porter  k  fes  domeftics  &  avoit  h.  notre  imitation  plan- 
ts vne  grande  Croix  en  la  place  de  fon  village  dit 
Oigoudi,  fur  le  port  de  la  riuiere  faindt  lehan,  k  dix 
lieues  du  port  Royal.  Or  cet  homme  avec  les 
autres,  a  efle  detourne  d'eflre  Chretien  par  I'avarice 
maudite  de  ce  mauvais  Fran9ois  que  i'ay  touche  ci- 
deffus,  lequel  ie  ne  veux  nomer  pour  cette  heure  pour 
I'amour  &  reverence  que  ie  porte  k  fon  pere,  mais 
avec  proteftation  de  I'eternifer  s'il  ne  s'amende. 
Celui-lk,  di-ie,  pour  attraper  quelques  Cafcors  de  ce  Sa- 
gamos [24]  ChKoudun,  I'alla  en  luin  dernier  fuborner, 
apres  s'eftre  euade  des  mains  dudit  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  disat  que  tout  ce  qu'icelui  Poutrincourt  leur 
difoit  de  Dieu  n'eftoit  rien  qui  vaille,  qu'il  ne  le  fal- 
loit  point  croire,  &  que  c'eftoit  vn  abufeur,  &  qu'il 
les  feroit  mourir  pour  avoir  leurs  Caftors.  Ie  laifTe 
beaucoup  de  medians  difcours  qu'il  peut  avoir  adjoute 
k  cela.  S'il  eftoit  de  la  Religion  de  ceux  qui  fe 
difent  Reformez  ie  I'excuferois  aucunement:  mais 
il  motre  bien  qu'il  n'eit  ni  de  I'vne,  ny  de  I'autre. 
Si  diray-ie  toutefois  qu'il  a  fujet  de  remercier  Dieu 
du  dager  oil  il  s'eft  veu  en  notre  voiage.  Ce  Saga- 
mos pouvoit  eftant  Chretien  en  redre  bon  nombre 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


79 


three  years;  and  among  others  a  Sagamore  named 
Chkoudun,  a  man  of  great  influence,  of  whom  I  have 
made  honorable  mention  in  my  History  of  New 
France,  because  I  saw  that  he,  more  than  all  the 
others,  loved  the  French,  and  that  he  admired  our 
civilization  more  than  their  ignorance :  to  such  an  ex- 
tent, that  being  present  sometimes  at  the  Christian 
admonitions,  which  were  given  every  Sunday  to  our 
French  people,  he  listened  attentively,  although  he 
did  not  understand  a  word ;  and.  moreover  wore  the 
sign  of  the  Cross  upon  his  bosom,  which  he  also  had 
his  servants  wear ;  and  he  had  in  imitation  of  iis,  a 
great  Cross  erected  in  the  public  place  of  his  village, 
called  Oigotidi,  at  the  port  of  the  river  saint  John, 
ten  leagues  from  Port  Royal.  Now  this  man,  with 
others,  was  turned  away  from  Christianity,  by  the 
cursed  avarice  of  this  wicked  Frenchman  to  whom  I 
have  referred  above,  and  whom  I  do  not  wish  to 
name  now  on  account  of  the  love  and  reverence  I 
bear  his  father,  but  I  protest  that  I  will  immortalize 
him  if  he  does  not  mend  his  ways.  He,  I  say,  in 
order  to  defraud  this  Sagamore  [24],  Chkoudun,  of  a 
few  Beavers,  went  last  June  to  bribe  him,  after  having 
escaped  from  the  hands  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  say- 
ing that  all  this  Poutrincourt  told  them  about  God 
was  nonsense,  that  they  need  not  believe  it,  that  he 
was  an  impostor,  that  he  would  kill  them  and  get 
their  Beavers.  I  omit  a  great  many  wicked  stories 
that  he  may  have  added  to  this.  If  he  were  of  the 
religious  belief  of  those  who  call  themselves  Re- 
formed, I  might  somewhat  excuse  him.  But  he 
plainly  shows  that  he  is  neither  of  the  one  nor  the 
other.  But  I  will  say,  however,  that  he  has  reason  to 
thank  God  for  his  escape  from  imminent  peril  on  our 


^!r-    ^ 

lj'; 

j ' 

i'i 


)    y 


80 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


/        V 


If  < 


1 


\ 


femblablCvS  k  lui,  k  fon  imitation,  Mais  ie  veux 
efperer,  ou  pluflot  croire  pour  certain  qu'il  ne  de- 
meurera  plus  gueres  long  teps  en  cet  erreur,  &  que 
ledit  Sieur  aura  trouv6  moyen  de  I'attirer  (avec  beau- 
coup  d'autres)  pres  de  foy,  pour  luy  imprimer  dere- 
chef  les  vives  perfuafions  dont  il  luy  avoit  autrefois 
touche  I'ame  en  ma  prefence.  Car  I'efprit  de  Dieu 
eft  puiffant  pour  faire  tober  fur  ce  champ  vne  nou- 
velle  roufee,  qui  fera  regermer  ce  que  la  grele  a 
delTeche  &  abbatu.  Dieu  vueille  par  fa  grace  con- 
duire  le  tout  en  forte  que  la  chofe  reiifQffe  k  fa  gloire 
&  k  I'edification  de  ce  peuple,  pour  lequel  tous  Chre- 
tiens doivent  faire  continuelles  prieres  k  fa  divine 
bonte,  k  ce  qu'il  lui  plaife  confinner  &  avancer 
rceiivre  qu'il  lui  a  pleu  fufciter  en  ce  temps  pour 
I'exaltation  de  fon  nom,  &  ie  falut  de  fes  creatures. 

FIN. 

[25]  II  y  a  pardela  des  hommes  d'Eglife  de  bon  f9a- 
voir  que  le  feul  zele  de  la  Religion  y  a  port^,  lefquels 
ne  manqueront  de  faire  tout  ce  que  la  piete  requerra 
en  ce  regard.  Or  quant  h.  prefent  il  n'eft  pas  befoin 
de  ces  Doc5teurs  fublimes  qui  peuvent  eftre  plus  vtiles 
parde9a  k  combattre  les  vices  &  les  herefies.  loint 
qu'il  y  a  certaine  forte  de  gens  def quels  on  ne  fe  pent 
pas  bien  alTeurer  faifans  metier  de  cenfurer  tout  ce 
qui  ne  vient  h.  leurs  maximes,  &  voulans  commander 
par  tout.  II  fuffit  d'eftre  veille  au  dehors  fans  avoir 
de  ces  epilogueurs  qui  confiderent  tous  les  mouve- 
mens  de  votre  corps  &  de  votre  coeur  pour  en  faire 
regitres,  defquels  les  plus  grands  Rois  memes  ne  fe 
peuvet  defendre.  Et  puis,  que  ferviroiet  pardela  tat 
de  gens  de  cette  forte,  quat  k  prefent,  fi  ce  n'eft  qu'ils 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


81 


voyage.  This  Sagamore,  being  a  Christian  by  his 
good  example  might  have  caused  a  great  number  of 
others  to  become  Christians,  But  I  am  willing  to 
hope,  or  rather  firmly  believe,  that  he  will  not  remain 
much  longer  in  this  error,  and  that  the  Sieur  will 
have  found  some  means  of  attracting  him  with  many 
others  to  himself,  to  impress  upon  him  the  vital 
truths  with  which  he  had  formerly,  in  my  presence, 
touched  his  soul.  For  the  spirit  of  God  has  power  to 
drop  upon  this  field  fresh  dew,  which  will  bring  forth 
a  new  germination  where  all  has  been  laid  waste  and 
beaten  down  by  the  hail.  May  God,  by  his  grace, 
guide  all  in  such  a  way  that  it  will  redound  to  his 
glory  and  to  the  edification  of  this  people,  for  whom 
all  Christians  ought  to  make  continual  supplication 
to  his  divine  goodness,  to  the  end  that  he  may  con- 
sent to  confirm  and  advance  the  work,  which  he  has 
been  pleased  to  begin  at  this  time  for  the  exaltation 
of  his  name  and  for  the  salvation  of  his  creatures. ^^ 

END. 

[25]  There  are  in  that  country  some  men  of  the 
Church,  of  good  .scholarship,  whom  nothing  but  their 
religious  zeal  has  taken  there,  and  who  will  not  fail  to 
do  all  that  piety  requires  in  this  respect.  Now,  for  the 
present,  there  is  no  need  of  any  learned  Doctors  who 
may  be  more  useful  in  combating  vices  and  heresies 
at  home.  Besides,  there  is  a  certain  class  of  men  in 
whom  we  cannot  have  complete  confidence,  who  are 
in  the  habit  of  censuring  everything  that  is  not  in 
harmony  with  their  maxims,  and  wish  to  rule  wher- 
ever they  are.  It  is  enough  to  be  watched  from 
abroad  without  having  these  fault-finders,  from  whom 
even  the  greatest  Kings  cannot  defend  themselves, 


1 


i 


p  y. 


t  [ 


!ii 


'Ui; 


!|    I 


I. 


82 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.  1 


In 


iV 


1 


Fa(on  de 

vivre 
des  Sou- 
rig  uoz's 
&=  Ethe- 
chemins. 


voululTent  vS'addonner  k  la  culture  de  laterre?  Car 
ce  n'eft  pas  tout  que  d'aller  Ik.  II  faut  conliderer  ce 
que  I'on  y  fera  y  eftant  arriv^.  Pour  ce  qui  eft  de 
la  demeure  du  Sieur  de  Poutriiicourt  il  s'eft  fourni  au 
depart  de  ce  qui  lui  eftoit  necelTaire.  Mais  s'il  prenoit 
envie  k  quelques  gens  de  bien  d'y  [26]  avancer  I'Evan- 
gile,  ie  feroy  d'avis  qu'ils  filTent  cinq  ou  'i\.yi  bandes, 
avec  chacun  vn  navire  bien  equippe,  &  qu'ils  allaffent 
planter  des  colonies  en  diverfes  places  de  ces  quartiers 
Ik,  comme  k  Tadouffac,  Gachepe,  Campfeau,  la  lieve, 
Oigoudi,  Sain(5te  Croix,  Pemptegoet,  KinibeKi,  & 
autres  endroits  ou  font  les  allemblees  de  Sauvages, 
lef quels  il  faut  que  le  teinps  ameine  k  la  Religion 
Chretienne:  fi  ce  n'eft  qu'vn  grand  Pere  de  famille 
tel  que  le  Roy  en  vueille  avoir  la  gloire  totale,  &  face 
habiter  ces  lieux.  Car  d'y  penfer  vivre  ^  leur  mode 
i'eftime  cela  eftre  hors  de  notre  pouvoir.  Et  pour  le 
montrer,  leur  fagon  de  vivre  eft  telle,  que  depuis  la 
premiere  terre  ( qui  eft  la  Terre-neuve )  infques  aux 
Armouchiquois,  qui  font  pres  de  trois  cens  lieues,  les 
hommes  vivent  vagabons,  fans  labourage,  n'eftans 
iamais  plus  de  cinq  ou  fix  femaines  en  vn  lieu. 
Pline  k  fait  mention  de  certains  peuples  dits  Ichthyo- 
phages,  c'eft  k  dire  Mangeurs  de  poilTons,  viuans  de 
cela.  Ceux  ci  font  tout  de  m^me  les  trois  parts  de  I'an- 
n^e.  C:.r  venant  le  Printeps  ils  fe  divifent  par  troupes 
fur  les  rives  de  mer  infques  k  [27]  I'Hiver,  lequel 
venat,  par  ce  que  le  poifTo  fe  retire  au  fond  des  grandes 
eaux  fal6es,  ilz  cherchent  les  lacs  &  ombres  des  bois, 
ou  ilz  pechent  les  Caftors,  dont  ilz  vivet,  &  d'autres 
chalTes,  comme  Ellans,  Caribous,  Cerfs,  &  autres  ani- 
maux  moindres  que  ceux-la.  Et  neantmoins  quelque- 
fois  en  Et6  m6me  ilz  ne  laiffent  point  de  chaffer:  & 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


83 


come  near  enough  to  record  every  movement  of  our 
hearts  and  souls.  And  then  what  would  be  the  use 
of  so  many  such  men  over  there  at  present,  unless 
they  wanted  to  devote  themselves  to  the  cultivation 
of  the  soil?  For  going  there  is  not  all.  What  they 
will  do,  when  they  get  there,  must  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration. As  to  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt's  residence, 
he  provided  himself  at  his  departure  with  everything 
that  was  necessary.  But  if  a  few  honest  people  were 
seized  with  a  desire  to  [26J  advance  the  cause  of  the 
Gospel  there,  I  would  advise  them  to  make  up  five  or 
six  parties,  each  one  having  a  well-equipped  ship,  and 
to  go  and  establish  colonies  in  different  parts  of  New 
France,  as  at  Tadoussac,  Gachepe,  Campseau,  la  Heve, 
Oigoudi,  Ste.  Croix,  Pemptegoet,  Kinibeki,  and  in 
other  places,  where  there  are  assemblages  of  Savages, 
whom  time  must  lead  to  the  Christian  Religion :  un- 
less the  head  of  some  great  family,  like  the  King, 
wishes  to  have  the  sole  glory  of  peopling  these  lands. 
For  to  think  of  living  as  the  Savages  do  seems  to  me 
out  of  all  reason.  And  to  prove  this,  the  following 
is  an  example  of  their  way  of  living :  From  the  first 
land  (  which  is  Newfoundland )  to  the  country  of  the 
Armouchiquois,  a  distance  of  nearly  three  hundred 
leagues,  the  people  are  nomads,  without  agriculture, 
never  stopping  longer  than  five  or  six  weeks  in  a 
place.  Pliny  mentions  a  certain  people  called 
Ichthyophagi,  i.  e..  Fish-eaters,  living  in  the  same 
way.  These  Savages  get  their  living  in  this  manner 
during  three  seasons  of  the  year.  For,  when  Spring 
comes,  they  divide  into  bands  upon  the  shores  of  the 
sea,  until  [27]  Winter;  and  then  as  the  fish  withdraw 
to  the  bottom  of  the  great  salt  waters,  they  seek  the 
lakes  and  the  shades  of  the  forests,  where  they  catch 


m 


Manner  of 
living  of 

the 

Souriquois 

and  Etlte- 

chemins. 


84 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


1' 


1^      t 


1 

1  :' 

»       ^       !'1 

■1 

t 

If! 

1 

'^     il 

d'ailleiirs  ont  infinie  quantity  d'oyfeaux  en  certaines 
iles  ^s  mois  de  May,  Iiiin,  luillet,  &  Aouft.  Quant 
le  coucher.  "k  leur  coiicher,  vne  peau  etendue  fur  la  terre  leur 
fert  de  matelas.  Et  en  eel  a  n'avons  dequoy  nous 
mocquer  d'eux,  par  ce  que  noz  vieux  peres  GauUois 
en  faifoient  de  m(:*me,  &  dinoiet  aufll  fur  des  peaux  de 
chiens  &  de  loupvS,  fi  Diodore  &  Strabon  difent  vray. 
Armou-  Mais  quant  au  pais  des  Armouchiquois  &  Iroquois,  il 
chiquois.  y  ^  plus  grande  moilTon  h  faire  pour  ceux  qui  font 
poufTez  d'vn  zele  religieux,  par  ce  que  le  peuple  y  eft 
beaucoup  plus  frequent,  &  cultive  la  terre,  de  laquelle 
il  retire  vn  grand  foulagement  de  vie.  Vray  eft  qu'il 
n'entent  pas  bien  la  fa9o  de  faire  le  pain,  n'ayant  les 
inventios  des  moulins,  ni  du  levain,  ni  des  fours;  ains 
broye  fon  ble  en  certaine  fa^on  de  [28]  mortiers,  & 
I'empate  au  mieux  qu'il  peut  pour  le  faire  cuire  entre 
deux  pierres  ecliauffees  au  feu:  ou  bien  rotit  ledit 
bid  en  epic  fur  la  braifc,  ainfi  que  faifoient  les  vieux 
Romains,  au  dire  de  Pline.  Depuis  on  trouva  le 
moyen  de  faire  des  gateaux  fouz  la  cendre :  &  depuis 
encore  les  boulengers  trouverent  la  fa9on  des  fours. 
Or  ces  peuples  cultivans  la  terre  font  arretds,  ce  que 
les  autres  ne  font  point,  n'ayans  rien  de  propre,  tels 
qu'efloient  les  Allemans  au  temps  de  Tacite,  lequel  a 
decrit  leurs  anciennes  fa9ons  de  vivre.  Plus  avant 
dans  les  terres  au  deflus  des  Armouchiquois  font  les 
Iroquois.  Iroquois  peuples  auffi  arretes,  par-ce  qu'ilz  cultivent 
la  terre,  d'ou  ils  recueillent  du  ble  mahis  (ou  Sarazin) 
dds  fdves,  des  bones  racines,  &  bref  tout  ce  que  nous 
avons  dit  du  pays  defdits  Armouchiquois,  voire  encore 
plus,  car  par  neceffite  ilz  vivent  de  la  terre,  eftans 
loin  de  la  mer.  Neantmoins  ils  ont  vn  grand  lac 
d'6tendue  merveilleufe,  comme  d'environ   60.  lieues, 


Plin.  Itv. 
18.  chap. 
2.  &>  10. 


ti.  •. 


T 


1610-18] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


M 


Beavers,  upon  which  they  live,  and  other  game,  as 
Elk,  Caribou,  Deer,  and  still  smaller  animals.  And 
yet,  sometimes  even  in  Summer,  they  do  not  give  up 
hunting:  besides,  there  are  an  infinite  number  of 
birds  on  certain  islands  in  the  months  of  May,  June, 
July  and  August.  As  to  their  beds,  r  skin  spread 
out  upon  the  ground  serves  as  mattress.  And  in  this 
we  have  nothing  to  jest  about,  for  our  old  Gallic  an- 
cestors did  the  same  thing,  and  even  dined  from  the 
skins  of  dogs  and  wolves,  if  Diodorus  and  Strabo  tell 
the  truth.  But  as  to  the  Armouchiquois  and  Iroquois 
countries,  there  is  a  greater  harvest  to  be  gathered 
there  by  those  who  are  iUvSpired  by  religious  zeal,  be- 
cause they  are  not  so  .sparsely  populated,  and  the 
people  cultivate  the  soil,  from  which  they  derive 
some  of  the  comforts  of  life.  It  is  true  that  they  do 
not  understand  very  well  how  to  make  bread,  not 
having  mills,  yeast,  or  ovens;  so  they  pound  their 
corn  in  a  kind  of  [28]  mortar,  and  make  a  paste  of  it  as 
best  they  can,  and  bake  it  between  two  stones  heated 
at  the  fire ;  or  they  roast  this  corn  on  the  ear  upon 
the  live  coals,  as  did  the  old  Romans,  according  to 
Pliny.  Afterwards  people  learned  to  bake  cakes  un- 
der the  embers ;  and  still  later  bakers  began  to  make 
use  of  ovens.  Now  the.se  people  who  cultivate  the 
soil  are  stationary,  not  like  the  others  who  have  noth- 
ing of  their  own,  just  as  the  Germans  in  the  time  of 
Tacitus,  who  has  described  their  ancient  way  of 
living.  Farther  inland,  and  beyond  the  Armouchi- 
quois, are  the  Iroquois  tribes,  al.so  stationary,  becau.se 
they  till  the  soil,  whence  they  gather  maize  wheat 
( or  Buckwheat ),  beans,  edible  roots,  and  in  short  all 
that  we  have  mentioned  in  describing  the  Armouchi- 
quois,  even  more,  for  from  necessity  they  draw  their 


Their  beds. 


A  rmouchi-  ■ 
quo  is. 


Pliny, 
book  18, 
chap.  2 
and  10. 


Iroquois. 


i?) 


m 


\  !'i 


.1  I 


86 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


m 

t 


I  ^ 


A 


Nouveau 
Mexiqiie. 


Grand 
lac  outre 
Canada. 


Conquefc 
de  la  Pa- 
le Jl  in  c 
comparee 
h  cclle  de 
la  Noil- 

velle- 
France. 


&  lentour  duqiiel  ils  font  cabSn^s.  Dans  Icdit  lac 
il  y  a  des  iles  belles  &  ^randes,  habitdes  defdits  Iro- 
quois, qui  font  vn  grand  peuple,  &  plus  on  va  [29] 
avant  dans  les  terres  plus  on  les  trouve  habitues:  fi 
bien  que  (s'il  en  faut  croire  les  Hefpagnols)  au  pays 
dit  le  Nouveau  Mexique  bien  loin  pardela  lefdits  Iro- 
quois, en  tirant  au  SuroUeft,  il  y  a  des  villes  baties, 
&  des  maifons  h  trois  &  quatre  etages  :  m(Sme  du 
beflial  prive :  d'oii  ils  ont  appelle  vne  certair!'^' riviere 
Rio  dc  las  Vaccas,  La  riviere  des  Vaches,  po  •  y  en 
avoir  veu  en  grand  nombrc  paturer  le  log  de  la 
riviere.  Et  efl^ce  pays  diredlement  au  Nort  h.  plus  de 
cinq  cens  lieues  du  vieil  Mexique,  avoifinant,  comme 
ie  croy,  I'extremite  du  grand  lac  de  la  riviere  de 
Canada,  lequel  (felon  le  rapport  des  Sauvages)  a  trente 
journees  de  long.  Ie  croiroy  que  des  hommes  ro- 
bultes  &  bien  compofes  pourroient  vivre  parmi  ces 
peuples  Ik,  &  faire  grand  fruit  h.  I'avancement  de  la 
Religion  Chretienne.  Mais  quant  aux  Souriquois,  & 
Etechemins,  qui  font  vagabons  &  divifes,  il  les  faut 
affembler  par  la  culture  de  la  terre,  &  obliger  par 
ce  moyen  h.  demeurer  en  vn  lieu.  Car  quiconque  a 
pris  la  peine  de  cultiver  vne  terre  il  ne  la  quitte 
point  aifement.  II  cobat  pour  la  conferver  de  tout 
fon  courage.  [30]  Mais  ie  trouve  ce  delTein  de  longue 
execution  fi  nous  n'yallons  d'autre  zele,  &  fi  vn  Roy 
ou  riche  Prince  ne  prent  cette  caufe  en  main,  laquelle 
certes  elt  digne  d'vn  royaume  tres-Chretien.  On  a 
jadis  fait  tant  de  depenfes  &  pertes  d'hommes  k  la  re- 
conquefte  de  la  Palelline,  h.  quoy  on  a  peu  proufite :  & 
aujourd'hui  k  peu  de  frais  on  pourroit  faire  des  mer- 
veilles,  &  acquerir  infinis  peuples  k  Dieu  fans  coup 
ferir:  &  nous  fommes  touches  d'vne  ie  ne  fgay  quelle 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


87 


sustenance  from  the  earth,  as  they  are  far  from  the  sea. 
However,  they  have  a  ji^reat  lake  in  their  country,  of 
wonderful  extent,  perhaps  about  sixty  leagues,  around 
which  they  encamp.  In  this  lake  there  are  large  and 
beautiful  islands  inhabited  by  the  Iroquois,  who  are 
a  great  people;  the  farther  [29]  we  penetrate  into  the 
country,  the  more  we  find  it  inhabited:  so  much  so 
that  ( if  we  can  believe  the  Spaniards )  in  the  country 
called  New  Mexico,  a  long  distance  to  the  Southwest 
of  these  Iroquois,  there  are  regularly  built  cities  and 
houses  of  three  and  four  stories,  and  even  domesti- 
cated cattle,  whence  Lhey  have  named  a  certain  river 
Rio  dc  las  Vaccixs,  or  Cow  river,  because  they  saw  a 
large  number  of  them  grazing  on  its  banks.  And 
this  country  is  more  than  five  hundred  leagues  direct- 
ly to  the  north  of  old  Mexico,  being  near,  I  believe, 
the  end  of  the  great  lake  of  the  river  of  Canada 
which  (according  to  the  Savages)  is  a  thirty  days' 
journey  in  length.  I  believe  that  robust  and  hardy 
men  could  live  among  these  people,  and  do  great 
work  for  the  advancement  of  the  Christian  Religion. 
But  as  to  the  Souriquois  and  Etechemins,  who  are 
nomadic  and  divided,  they  must  be  made  sedentary 
by  the  cultivation  of  the  land,  thus  obliging  them  to 
remain  in  one  place.  For  any  one  who  has  taken  the 
trouble  to  cultivate  a  piece  of  land  does  not  readily 
abandon  it,  but  struggles  valiantly  to  keep  it.  [30]  But, 
I  think,  the  execution  of  this  plan  will  be  very  slow 
unless  we  take  hold  of  it  with  more  zeal,  and  unless  a 
King,  or  some  rich  Prince,  take  this  cause  in  hand, 
which  is  certainly  worthy  a  most  Christian  kingdom. 
Great  expense  and  loss  of  life  were  once  incurred  in 
the  re-conquest  of  Palestine,  from  which  there  was  lit- 
tle profit;  and  to-day  at  slight  expense  wonders  could 


New 
Mexico. 


A  great 

lake  beyond 

Canada. 


Conquest  of 

Palestine 

compared 

with  that  of 

New 

France. 


w 


!         \\ 


^   fi 


88 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASTHTES  [Vol. 


V}%  \ 


m 


I 
1/ 


'j  1 


Au  Roy 

^S^»  a  la 
Royne. 


lethargic  en  ce  qui  eft  du  zele  religieux  qui  bruloit  noz 
peres  anciennement.  Si  on  n'efperoit  aucun  fruit  tem- 
porel  en  ceci  ie  pardonnc  ois  h.  x'imbecillite  humaine. 
Mais  il  y  a  de  fi  certaines  efperances  d'vne  bone  vfure, 
qii'elles  ferment  la  bouche  h.  tous  les  ennemis  de  cc 
pays  Ik,  lefquels  le  decrient  afm  de  ne  perdre  la  traite 
des  Caftors  &  autres  pelleteries  dont  ils  vivent,  &  fans 
cela  mourroyent  de  faim,  ou  ne  fgauroient  k  quoy 
s'employer.  Que  s'il  piaifoit  au  Roy,  &  a  la  Royne 
Regente  fa  mere,  en  laquelle  Dieu  a  allume  vn  brafier 
de  piete,  prendre  gouft  h.  ceci  (come  certes  elle  a  faic5t 
au  rapport  de  la  Converfio  des  Sauvages  baptizes  par  le 
[31]  foin  du  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt)  &  lailTer  quelque 
memoire  d'elle,  ou  pluftot  s'alTeurer  de  la  beatitude 
des  cieux  par  cette  adtion  qui  eft  toute  de  Dieu,  on 
ne  peut  dire  quelle  gloire  h.  I'avenir  ce  lui  feroit 
d'eltre  la  premiere  qui  auroit  plante  I'Evangile  en  de 
fi  grandes  terres,  qui  (par  maniere  de  dire)  n'ont 
point  de  bornes.  Si  Helene  mere  de  I'Empereur 
Cottantin  cult  trouve  tant  de  fujet  de  bien-faire,  elle 
euft  beaucoup  mieux  aime  edilier  h.  Dieu  des  temples 
vivans  que  tant  d' edifices  de  marbre  dont  elle  a  rem- 
pli  la  terre  faincte.  Et  au  bout  I'efperance  de  la  re- 
muneration temporelle  n'en  eft  poit  vaine.  Car 
d'une  part  le  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  demeure  ton  jours 
ferviteur  du  Roy  en  la  terre  que  fa  Maiefte  luy  a 
odtroyee:  en  laquelle  il  feroit  le  rendezvous  &  f up- 
port  de  tant  de  vailleaux  (^ui  vont  tous  les  ans  aux 
Terres  neuves,  ou  ilz  re9oivent  m\!''e  incommodites, 
&  en  perit  grand  nombre,  comme  nous  avons  veu  & 
oui  dire.  Dailleurs  penetrant  dans  les  terres,  nous 
pourrions  nous  rendre  familier  le  chemin  de  la  Chine 
&  des  Molucques  par  vn  climat  &  parallele  tepere,  en 


!''! 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


89 


be  accomplished,  and  an  infinite  number  of  people 
won  over  to  God,  without  striking  a  blow :  and  yet 
we  are  touched  by  an  inexplicable  apathy  in  religious 
matters,  which  is  quite  different  from  the  fervid  zeal 
which  of  old  burned  in  the  bosoms  of  our  fathers.  If 
we  did  not  expect  any  temporal  fruit  from  these 
labors,  I  would  pardon  this  human  weakness.  But 
there  are  such  well-founded  hopes  of  good  usury, 
that  they  close  the  mouths  of  all  the  enemies  of  that 
country,  who  decry  it  in  order  not  to  lose  the  traffic 
in  Beaver  and  other  furs  from  which  they  gain  a 
livelihood,  and  without  which  they  would  die  of 
starvation  or  would  not  know  what  to  do.  But  if  the 
King  and  the  Queen  Regent,  his  mother,  in  whom  God 
has  kindled  a  fire  of  piety,  should  be  pleased  to  take  an 
interest  in  this  (as  she  has  certainly  done  in  the  report 
of  the  Conversion  of  the  Savages,  baptized  through 
the  [31]  instrumentality  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt) 
and  woiild  leave  some  memorial  of  herself,  or  rather 
would  secure  for  herself  the  blessedness  of  heaven  by 
this  most  godly  act,  no  one  can  tell  how  great  would 
be  her  future  glory  in  being  the  first  to  establish  the 
Gospel  in  such  vast  territories,  which  ( so  to  speak ) 
have  no  bounds.  If  Helena,  the  mother  of  the  Em- 
peror Constantine,  had  found  such  a  field  for  good 
work,  she  would  have  greatly  preferred  to  glorify 
God  with  living  temples,  instead  of  building  so  many 
marble  edifices,  with  which  .she  has  filled  the  holy 
land.  And,  after  all,  the  hope  of  temporal  profit  is 
not  vain.  For  on  one  hand  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
will  continue  to  be  the  servant  of  the  King  in  the 
country  which  his  Majesty  has  granted  him ,  where 
he  would  afford  a  rendezvous  and  give  assistance  to 
all   the    vessels    which    go   every    year   to    the   new 


/Ippeal  to 
the  King 

and  the 
Queen 

Regent. 


I  3       .  \i\ 


\  \. 


\  !' 


A1 


vn 


! 


\\\ 


/,! 


% 

t 


v.li 


f 


'ft 


^r 


90 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.1 


I 

it 


1 


H 


X 


m 


Moyens 
pour  allcr 
aux  Mo- 
lucques 
par  le  Po- 
nani  &-■• 
le  Nort. 


Vtilitcs. 


Chiqun- 
ncric. 


Aminid 
Marccllin. 


faifant  quelques  flatios  ou  [32]  demeures  au  Saut  de  la 
grande  riviere  de  Canada,  puis  aux  lacs  qui  font  plus 
outre,  le  dernier  def quels  n'eft  pas  loin  de  la  grande 
mer  Occidentale,  par  laquelle  les  Hefpagnols  vont 
aujourd'hui  en  I'Orient:  Ou  bien  on  pouroit  faire  la 
m6me  entreprife  par  la  riviere  de  Saguenay,  outre 
laquelle  les  Sauvages  rapportent  qu'il  y  a  vne  mer 
dont  ilz  n'ont  veu  le  bout,  qui  eft  fans  doute  ce 
palTage  par  le  Nort,  lequel  en  vain  Ton  a  tant  re- 
cherche. De  forte  que  nous  aurions  des  epices,  & 
autres  drogues  fans  les  mendier  defdits  Hespagnols,  & 
demeureroit  es  mains  du  Roy  le  proufit  qu'il  tire  de 
nous  fur  ces  denrees:  Laillant  k  part  I'vtilite  des 
cuirs,  paturages,  pecheries,  &  autres  biens.  Mais  il 
faut  femer  avant  que  recuillir.  Par  ces  exeroices  on 
occuperoit  beaucoup  de  ieunefCe  Frangoife,  dont  vne 
partie  languit  ou  de  pauvret^,  ou  d'oifivete;  ou 
vont  aux  provinces  etrarigeres  enfeigner  les  metiers 
qui  nous  eil;oient  iadis  propres  &  particuliers,  au 
moyen  dequoy  la  France  efloit  remplie  de  biens,  au 
lieu  qu' aujourd'hui  vne  longue  paix  ne  I'a  encore  peu 
remettre  en  fon  premier  luftre,  tant  [33]  pour  la  raifon 
que  deffus,  que  pour  le  nombre  de  gens  oififs,  «&  men- 
dians  valides  &  volontaires  que  le  public  nourrit. 
Entre  lefquelles  incommodites  on  pourroit  mettre 
encore  le  mal  de  la  chiquanerie  qui  mange  noftre  na- 
tion, dot  elle  a  elte  blamee  de  tout  temps.  A  quoy 
feroit  aucunement  obvie  par  les  f requetes  navigations : 
eftant  ainfi  qu'une  partie  de  ceux  qui  plaident  au- 
roient  plullot  fait  de  conquefter  nouvelle  terre,  de- 
meurans  en  I'obeiffance  du  Roy,  que  de  pourfuivre  ce 
qu'ilz  debattent  avec  tant  de  mines,  longueurs,  folici- 
tudes,  &  travaux.     Et  en  ce  ie  repute  heureux  tons 


1,1 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


91 


World,  where  tliey  encounter  a  thousand  hardships 
and,  as  we  have  seen  and  heard,  great  numbers  of 
them  are  lost.  On  the  other  hand,  penetrating  into 
the  country,  we  might  become  familiar  with  the  route 
to  China  and  the  Moluccas,  through  a  mild  climate 
and  latitude,  establishing  a  few  stations,  or  [32]  settle- 
ments, at  the  Falls  of  the  great  Canadian  river,  then 
at  the  lakes  which  are  beyond,  the  last  of  which  is 
not  far  from  the  great  Western  sea,  through  which 
the  Spaniards  to-day  reach  the  Orient.  Or,  indeed, 
the  vSame  enterprise  could  be  carried  on  through  the 
Saguenay  river,  beyond  which  the  Savages  say  there 
is  a  sea  of  which  they  have  never  seen  the  end,  which 
is  without  doubt  that  Northern  passage  that  has  been 
so  long  sought  in  vain.  So  that  we  could  have  spices 
and  other  drugs  without  begging  them  from  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  profits  derived  from  us  upon  these 
commodities  would  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  King, 
not  counting  the  advantages  of  having  hides,  pastur- 
age, fisheries,  and  other  sources  of  wealth.  But  we 
must  .sow  before  we  can  reap.  In  this  work  we  could 
give  employment  to  many  of  the  youth  of  France,  a 
part  of  whom  languish  in  poverty  or  in  idleness: 
while  others  go  to  foreign  countries  to  teach  the 
trades  which  in  former  times  belonged  strictly  and 
peculiarly  to  us,  and  by  means  of  which  France  was 
filled  with  prosperity ;  whereas,  to-day,  a  long  period 
of  peace  has  not  yet  been  able  to  restore  to  her  her 
former  glory,  as  much  [33]  for  the  reasons  just  given, 
as  for  the  number  of  idle  men,  and  of  able-bodied  and 
voluntary  mendicants,  whom  the  public  supports. 
Among  these  obstacles  we  may  place  also  the  evil  of 
chicanery,  which  preys  upon  our  nation,  and  which 
has  always  been  a  reproach  to  it.     This  would  be 


Means  of 
reaching 

the 

Moluccas 

through  the 

Northern 

route. 


Advant- 
ages. 


Chicanery. 


\    M 


1  ■ 


i;    / 


/      I 


!I 


I 


.!« 


,1 


If  J 


'    i 


92 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JESUITES  [Vol.  1 


^  -J 


;■ 


r 

I* 


? 


;•». 


Fe  licit  i' 

des  Sau- 

vages. 


Pour  cetix 
qui  vont 
en  la  N. 
•  France. 


A  la  Roy- 
ne. 


ces  paavres  peuples  que  ie  deplore  ici.  Car  la  blafar- 
de  Envie  ne  les  amaigrit  poit  ilz  ne  reffentent  point 
les  inhumanit^s  d'vn  qui  fert  Dieu  en  torticoli,  pour 
fouz  cette  couleur  tourmenter  les  hommes;  ilz  ne 
font  point  fujets  au  calcul  de  ceux  qui  manquans  de 
vertu  &  de  bonte  s'affublent  d'vn  faux  pretexte  de 
piet6  pour  nourrir  leur  ambition,  S'ilz  ne  conoiffcnt 
point  Dieu,  au  moins  ne  le  blafphement  ilz  point, 
comme  font  la  plufpart  des  Chretiens.  Ilz  ne  fgavent 
que  c'eft  d'empoifonner,  ni  de  corrompre  la  [34] 
chaftete  par  artifice  diabolique.  II  n'  y  a  point  de 
pauvres,  ny  de  mendians  entre  eux,  Tous  font 
riches,  entant  que  tous  travaillent  &  vivent.  Mais 
entre  nous  il  va  bien  autrement.  Car  il  y  en  a  plus 
de  la  nioiti6  qui  vit  du  labeur  d'autrui,  ne  faifant  aucun 
metier  qui  foit  neceflaire  k  la  vie  humaine.  Que  fi  ce 
pais  Ik  eftoit  etabli,  tel  }  a  qui  n'ofe  faire  ici  ce  qu'il 
feroit  Yk.  II  n'ofe  point  ici  eftre  bucheron,  laboureur, 
vigneron,  &c.  par  ce  que  fo  pere  eft  chiquaneur, 
barbier,  apothicaire  &c.  Et  Ik  il  oublieroit  toutes  ces 
aprehenfions  de  reproche,  &  prendroit  plaifir  a  cul- 
tiver  fa  terre,  ayant  beaucoup  de  compagnons  d'auffi 
bonne  maifon  que  lui.  Et  cultiver  la  terre  c'eft  le 
metier  le  plus  innocent,  &  plus  certain,  exercice  de 
ceux  de  qui  nous  fommes  tous  defcendus,  &  de  ces 
braves  Capitames  Remains  qui  fgavoient  domter  &  ne 
point  eftre  domtes.  Mais  depuis  que  la  pompe  &  la 
malice  fe  font  introduits  parmi  les  hommes,  ce  qui 
eftoit  vertu  a  tourne  en  reproche,  &  les  faineans  font 
verus  en  eftime.  Or  laiffons  ces  gens  Ik,  &  revenons 
au  »Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  ains  plultot  a  vous,  6  Royne 
Tref-Chretienne,  [35]  la  plus  grande,  &  plus  cherie 
des  cieux  que  I'oeil  du  monde  voye  en  la  rode  qu'il  fait 


l.'( 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


t)3 


somewhat  obviated  by  frequent  voyages ;  for  a  part 
of  these  pettifoggers  would  sooner  conquer  some  new 
Lind,  remaining  under  the  dominion  of  the  King,  than 
follow  up  their  cause  here  with  so  much  loss,  delay, 
anxiety,  and  labor.  And,  in  this  respect,  I  consider 
all  these  poor  savages,  whom  we  commiserate,  to  be 
very  happy;  for  pale  Envy  doth  not  emaciate  them, 
neither  do  they  feel  the  inhumanity  of  those  who 
serve  God  hypocritically,  harassing  their  fellow-creat- 
ures under  this  mask:  nor  are  they  subject  to  the 
artifices  of  those  who,  lacking  virtue  and  goodness 
wrap  themselves  up  in  a  mantle  of  false  piety  to 
nourish  their  ambition.  If  they  do  not  know  God, 
at  least  they  do  not  blaspheme  him,  as  the  greater 
number  of  Christians  do.  Nor  do  they  understand 
the  art  of  poisoning,  or  of  corrupting  [34]  chastity  by 
devilish  artifice.  There  are  no  poor  nor  beggars 
among  them.  All  are  rich,  because  all  labor  and 
live.  But  among  us  it  is  very  different,  for  more 
than  half  of  us  live  from  the  labors  of  the  others, 
having  no  trades  which  serve  to  the  support  of  human 
life.  If  that  country  were  settled,  there  are  men  who 
would  do  there  what  they  have  not  courage  to  do 
here.  Here  they  would  not  dare  to  be  wood-cutters, 
husbandmen,  vinedressers,  etc.,  because  their  fathers 
were  pettifoggers,  barber-surgeons,  and  apothecaries. 
But  over  yonder  they  would  forget  their  fear  of  being 
ridiculed,  and  would  take  pleasure  in  cultivating 
their  land,  having  a  great  many  companions  of  as 
good  families  as  theirs.  Cultivating  the  soil  is  the 
most  innocent  of  occupations  and  the  most  sure ;  it 
was  the  occupation  of  those  from  whom  we  have  all 
descended,  and  of  those  brave  Roman  Captains  who 
knew  how  to  subjugate,  but  not  how  to  be  subjugated. 


Ammianus 

Marcel- 

lintts. 


Happiness 

of  the 
Savages. 


Opportuni- 
ties for 

emigrants 
to  New 
France. 


•    !ll 


:i    ,1 


\)     i)   I  P 


!. 

&-'1 


I  \  < 

11' 


■i/: 


I 


'1 


Ik 


w\ 


1   i 


\i 


k 


1 


94 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jflSUITES  [Vol.  1 


chaque  iour  alentour  de  cet  vnivers.  Votis  qui  av^s 
le  mariement  dii  plus  noble  Empire  dici  bas,  Quoy 
fouffrirez  vous  de  voir  vn  Gentil-home  de  fi  bonne 
volont6  fans  1' employer  &  fans  le  fecourir?  Voulez 
vous  qu'il  emporte  la  premiere  gloire  du  monde  par 
delTus  vous,  &  que  le  triomphe  de  cet  affaire  luy  de- 
meure  fans  que  vous  y  participies?  Non,  non,  Ma- 
dame, il  faut  que  le  tout  vous  en  foit  rapporte,  &  que 
come  les  etoilles  empruntent  leur  lumiere  du  foleil, 
aulTi  que  du  Roy  &  de  vous  qui  nous  I'aves  don6 
toutes  les  belles  actios  des  Francois  depedent.  II 
faut  done  prevenir  cette  gloire,  &  ne  la  ceder  "k  autre, 
tandis  que  vous  av^s  vn  Poutrincourt  bon  Fran9ois, 
&  qui  a  fervi  le  feu  Roy  de  regretable  memoire  votre 
Epoux  (que  Dieu  abfolve)  en  des  affaires  d'Eftat  dont 
les  hiftoires  ne  font  mention. :  En  haine  dequoy  fa 
maifon  &  fes  biens  ont  paff6  par  I'examen  du  feu 
II  ne  paffe  point  1' Ocean  pour  voir  le  pais,  comme 
ont  fait  preque  tous  les  autres  qui  ont  entrepris  de 
femblables  navigations  [36]  aux  depens  de  noz  Roys. 
Mais  il  motre  par  effec5t  quelle  eft  fon  intentio,  fi  bien 
qii'on  n'en  peut  point  douter,  &  ne  hazarderez  rien 
maintenant  quand  votre  Majefte  I'employera  k  bon 
efcient  k  Tamplificatio  de  la  religion  Chr^tienne  es 
terres  Occidentales  d' outre  mer.  Vous  reconoiffez 
fon  zele,  le  votre  eft  incomparable,  mais  il  faut  avifer 
oil  fe  pourra  mieux  faire  votre  emploite.  le  loue  les 
Princeffes  &  Dames  qui  depuis  quinze  ans  ont  d6n6 
de  leurs  biens  pour  le  repos  de  ceux  ou  celles  qui  fe 
veulent  fequeftrer  du  monde.  Mais  i'eftime  (fauf 
corredtion)  que  leur  piete  feroit  plus  illuftre  fi  elle  fe 
montroit  envers  ces  pauvres  peuples  Occidentaux  qui 
gemiffent,  &  dont  le  defaut  d'inftrucition  crie  ven- 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


95 


But  now,  since  pomp  and  malice  have  been  introduced 
among  men,  what  was  virtue  has  been  turned  into 
reproach,  and  idlers  have  risen  into  favor.  However, 
let  us  leave  these  people,  and  return  to  Sieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt,  or  rather  to  you,  O  most  Christian  Queen, 
[35]  the  greatest  and  most  cherished  of  heaven, 
whom  the  eye  of  the  world  looks  down  upon  in  its 
daily  round  about  this  universe.  You  who  have  the 
control  of  the  most  noble  Empire  here  below,  how 
can  you  see  a  Gentleman  so  full  of  good  will,  without 
employing  and  helping  him  ?  Will  you  let  him  carry 
off  the  greatest  honor  in  the  world  when  it  might 
have  been  yours,  and  will  you  let  the  triumph  of  this 
affair  remain  with  him  and  not  share  in  it  yourself? 
No,  no,  Madame,  all  must  proceed  from  you,  and  as 
the  stars  borrow  their  light  from  the  sun,  so  upon 
the  King,  and  upon  you  who  have  given  him  to  us,  all 
the  great  deeds  of  the  French  depend.  We  must  then 
anticipate  this  glory,  and  not  yield  it  to  another, 
while  you  have  a  Poutrincourt,  a  loyal  Frenchman  who 
served  the  late  lamented  King,  your  Husband  ( may 
God  give  him  absolution ),  in  affairs  of  State  which 
are  not  recorded  in  history.  In  revenge  for  which 
his  house  and  property  passed  through  the  ordeal  of 
fire.  He  is  not  crossing  the  Ocean  to  see  the  country, 
as  have  nearly  all  the  others  who  have  undertaken 
similar  voyages  [36]  at  the  expense  of  our  Kings. 
But  he  shows  so  plainly  what  his  intentions  are,  that 
we  cannot  doubt  them,  and  your  Majesty  will  risk 
nothing  by  employing  him  in  earnest  for  the  propa- 
gation of  the  Christian  religion  in  the  Western  lands 
beyond  the  sea.  You  recognize  his  zeal,  your  own 
is  incomparable;  but  you  must  take  thought  as  to 
how  you  may  best  employ  it.     I  commend  the  Prin- 


To  the 
(lueen. 


■',/ 


ii. 


96 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


\i\ 


\^ 


k 


! 


1 1 


Liv,  I.  ch. 
24.  &=  It. 
2.  ch.  41. 

6>»  42. 


Que  c'e/t 
ce  Banc 
Voy  la  di- 
te  Hz/t ai- 
re liv.  2. 
chap.  24. 


geance  k  Dieii  centre  ceiix  qui  les  peuvent  ayder  k 
eflre  Chretiens,  &  ne  le  font  pas.  Vne  Royne  de 
Caftille  a  eft^  caufe  qtie  la  religion  Chr^tienne  a  eft6 
port^e  6s  terres  que  tient  I'Hefpagnol  en  Occident: 
faites  6  lumiere  des  Roynes  du  monde,  que  par  vous 
bientot  on  oye  eclater  le  nom  de  Dieu  par  tout  ce 
monde  nouveau  oti  il  n'eft  point  encore  coneu.  Or 
reprenant  le  fil  de  mo  [37]  Hiftoire,  puifque  nous  avons 
parle  du  voyage  dudit  vSieur  de  Poutrincourt,  il  ne 
fera  point  hors  de  propos  fi  apres  avoir  touch6  les  in- 
commodit^s  &  longueurs  de  fa  navigation,  qui  I'ont 
recul^  d'vn  an,  nous  difons  vn  mot  du  retour  de  fon 
vailTeau.  Ce  qui  fera  bref ,  d'autant  qu'ordinairement 
font  breves  les  navigations  qui  fe  font  des  terres  Oc- 
cidentales  en  dega  hors  le  Tropique  du  Cancre.  I'ay 
rendu  la  raifon  de  cela  en  mon  Hiftoire  de  la  Nou- 
velle-France,  ou  ie  renvoye  le  Ledteur:  comme  auffi 
pour  f9avoir  la  raifon  pourquoy  en  Ete  la  mer  y  eft 
remplie  de  brumes  en  telle  forte  que  pour  vn  jour 
ferein  il  y  en  a  deux  de  broiiillas:  &  deux  fois  m'y 
fuis  trouve  parmi  des  brumes  de  huic5t  jours  entiers. 
Ceci  e  efte  caufe  que  ledit  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  ren- 
voyant  fon  fils  en  France  pour  faire  nouvelle  charge, 
il  a  demeure  aulTi  long  temps  a  gaigner  le  grand  Banc 
aux  Morues  depuis  le  Port  Royal,  comme  h  gaigner 
la  France  depuis  ledit  Banc :  &  toutef ois  depuis  icelui 
Banc  jufques  k  la  terre  de  France  il  y  a  huit  cens 
bonnes  lieues :  &  de  Ik  meime  jufques  audit  Port  Royal 
il  n'y  en  a  gueres  [38]  plus  de  trois  cens.  C'eft  fur 
ledit  Banc  qu'on  trouve  ordinairement  tout  I'Ete  force 
na vires  qui  font  la  Pecherie  des  Morues  qu'on  apporte 
pardega,  lefquelles  on  appelle  Morues  de  Terre- 
neuve.     Ainfi  le  fils  dudit  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  ( dit 


lGlO-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS  ' 


97 


cesses  and  Ladies  who  for  fifteen  years  have  given  of 
their  means  for  the  repose  of  those  men  or  women 
who  wished  to  sequester  themselves  from  the  world. 
But  I  believe  (under  correction)  that  their  piety  would 
shine  with  greater  luster  if  it  were  shown  in  behalf 
of  these  poor  Western  nations,  who  are  in  a  lament- 
able condition,  and  whose  la(";k  of  instruction  cries  to 
God  for  vengeance  against  those  who  might  help 
them  to  become  Christians,  and  will  not.  A  Queen 
of  Castille  caused  the  Christian  religion  to  be  intro- 
duced into  the  lands  of  the  WevSt  which  belong  to 
Spain;  so  act,  O  light  of  the  Queens  of  the  world, 
that  through  your  instrumentality,  the  name  of  God 
may  soon  be  proclaimed  throughout  all  this  new 
world,  where  it  is  not  yet  known.  Now  resuming  the 
thread  of  our  [37J  History,  as  we  have  spoken  of  the 
voyage  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  it  will  not  be  out 
of  place,  if,  after  having  touched  upon  the  hardships 
and  tediousness  of  his  journey,  which  retarded  him 
one  year,  we  say  a  word  about  the  return  of  his  ship, 
which  will  be  brief,  inasmuch  as  the  voyages  from 
the  Western  world,  this  side  of  the  Tropic  of  Cancer, 
are  usually  so.  I  have  given  the  reason  for  this  in 
my  History  of  New  France,  to  which  I  refer  the 
Reader,  where  he  will  also  learn  why  it  is  that  in 
Summer  the  sea  there  is  overhung  with  fogs  to  such 
an  extent  that  for  one  clear  day  there  are  two  foggy 
ones ;  and  twice  we  were  in  fogs  which  lasted  eight 
entire  days.  This  is  why  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 's 
son,  when  he  was  sent  back  to  France  for  fresh  sup- 
plies, was  as  long  in  reaching  the  great  Codfish 
Banks  from  Port  Royal,  as  in  getting  to  France  from 
the  said  Banks ;  and  yet  from  these  Banks  to  the  coast 
of  France  there  are  eight  hundred  good  leagues ;  and 


Book  /, 

ch.  24, 

and  book  2, 

ch. 41  and  42. 


For  these 

Banks,  see 

the  said 

History, 

book  2, 

ch.  24. 


1 1 


ill 


1    :.( 


I   ',,1 


f 


;  >(i 


!       I 


■Jl. 


^  i 


.>  ( 


98 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


1 
1     ^ 


* 


'       .    W: 


k 


La  tna- 

nicrc  dc 

ii'ttc  pe- 

ihcrii', 

voy  au 

lieu  fuf- 

dit. ' 


En  15. 

jours  dit 

Banc  en 

France. 


Kebec 

Fort  dii 

Sieur  dc 

Monts. 


le  Baron  de  Saindt  luft )  arrival  audit  Banc  fit  provi- 
fion  de  viande  freche,  &  pecherie  de  poiffon.  En 
quoy  faifant  il  eut  en  rencontre  vn  navire  Rochelois 
&  vn  autre  du  Havre  de  Grace,  d'ou  il  eut  nouvelles 
de  la  mort  lamentable  de  notre  defunct  bon  Roy,  fans 
f9avoir  par  qui,  ni  comment.  Mais  apres  eut  en  ren- 
contre vn  autre  navire  Anjjlois,  d'ou  il  entcndit  la 
m^me  chofe,  accufans  du  parricide  dcs  gens  que  ie  ne 
veux  ici  nomer:  car  ils  le  difoient  par  haine  &  envie, 
n'ayans  plus  grans  adverfaires  qu'eux.  En  quinze 
jours  done  ledit  Sieur  de  Saindl  lult  fut  rendu  dudit 
Banc  en  France,  ayant  toujours  eu  vent  en  poupe: 
navigation  certes  beaucoup  plus  agreable  que  celle  du 
vingtfixieme  de  Fevrier  mentionnee  ci-defTus.  Les 
gens  dti  Sieur  de  Monts  partircnt  du  Havre  de  Grace 
neuf  ou  dix  jours  apres  ledit  jour  26.  Fdvrier  pour  aller 
k  Kebec,  40.  lieues  pardela  [39]  la  riviere  de  Sague- 
nay,  ou  icelui  Sieur  de  Monts  s'eft  fortifie.  Mais  ilz 
furent  contraints  de  relacher  pour  les  mauvais  vents. 
Et  Ih  dcff  us  courut  vn  bruit  que  le  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
eftoit  peri  en  mer,  &  tout  fon  equipage.  A  quoy  ie 
n'adjoutay  onques  foy,  croyant  pour  certain  que  Dieu 
I'aidera,  &  le  fera  paffer  par-deffus  toutes  difficultez. 
Nous  n'avons  encore  nouvelles  dudit  Kebec,  &  en 
attendons  bien-tot.  Mais  ie  puis  dire  pour  la  verite 
que  fi  jamais  quelque  chofe  de  bon  reliffit  de  la  Nou- 
velle-France  la  pollerite  en  aura  de  I'obligatio  audit 
Sieur  de  Monts  autheur  de  ces  chofes,  auquel  fi  on 
n'euft  point  ote  le  privilege  qui  lui  avoit  efte  bailie 
pour  la  traite  de  Caftors  &  autres  pelleteries,  aujour- 
d'hui  nous  aurions  force  befliaux,  arbres  fruidliers, 
peuples,  &  batimes  en  ladite  pro^dnce.  Car  il  a 
defire  ardamment  de  voir  pardela  les  affaires  etablies  ^ 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


99 


thence  to  Port  Royal  there  are  hardly  [38]  more  than 
three  hundred.  It  is,  upon  these  Banks  that  a  great 
many  ships  are  usually  found  all  the  Summer,  fishing 
for  Cod,  which  are  brought  to  France  and  are  called 
Newfoundland  Codfish.  So  Sicur  de  Poutrincourt's 
son  ( who  is  called  Baron  de  Sainct  Just),  on  arriving 
at  these  Banks,  laid  in  a  supply  of  fresh  meat  and 
fish.  While  doing  this  he  met  a  ship  from  Rochelle 
and  another  from  Havre  de  Grace,  whence  he  heard 
the  news  of  the  lamentable  death  of  our  late  good 
King,  without  knowing  by  whom  or  how  he  was 
killed.  But  afterwards  he  met  an  English  ship  from 
which  he  heard  the  same  thing,  certain  persons  being 
accused  of  this  parricide  whom  I  will  not  here  name ; 
for  they  brought  this  accusation  through  hatred  and 
envy,  being  great  enemies  of  those  whom  they  ac- 
cused. So  in  fifteen  days  Baron  de  Sainct  Just  made 
the  distance  between  the  Banks  and  France,  always 
sailing  before  the  wind  ;  a  voyage  certainly  much 
more  agreeable  than  that  of  the  twenty-sixth  day  of 
February  mentioned  above.  Sieur  de  Monts's  crew  left 
Havre  de  Grace  nine  or  ten  days  after  this  twenty-sixth 
of  February  to  go  to  Kebec,  forty  leagues  beyond  [39] 
the  Saguenay  river,  where  Sieur  de  Monts  has  forti- 
fied himself.  But  contrary  winds  compelled  them  to 
put  into  port.  And  thereupon  a  report  was  circu- 
lated that  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  was  lost  in  the  sea 
with  all  his  crew.  I  did  not  believe  this  for  an  in- 
stant, trusting  that  God  would  help  him  and  would 
enable  him  to  surmount  all  difficulties.  We  have  as 
yet  no  news  from  Kebec,  but  expect  to  hear  from 
there  soon.  I  can  say  truly  that  if  ever  any  good 
comes  out  of  New  France,  posterity  will  be  indebted 
for  it  to  Sieur  de  Monts,  author  of  these  enterprises : 


For  their 
manner  of 
fishifi}^,  see 
the  above- 
mentioned 
place. 


In  ij  days 

from  the 

Ranks  to 

France. 


Kebec, 
Sieur  de 
Monts's 

fort. 


•1  I 


i  I 


■i 


f3 


,1' 


'i  i 


100 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


I 


rt 


I)    < 


(v, 


Femmes 

combien 

necef/ai- 

res. 


I'honneur  de  Dieu  &  de  la  France.  Et  ja9oit  qu'on 
lui  ait  ot6  le  fujet  de  continuer,  fi  ne  s'elt  il  point 
decourag<S  jufques  h  prefent  de  faire  ce  qu'il  a  pen, 
ayant  fait  batir  vn  Fort  audit  Kebec,  avec  des  loge- 
mens  fort  beaux  &  commodes.  En  ce  lieu  de  Kebec 
cctte  [40]  grande  &  immenfe  riviere  de  Canada  eft  re- 
duite  k  I'dtroit,  &  n'a  que  la  portee  d'vn  fauconneau 
de  large,  abodante  en  poilTons  autant  que  riviere  du 
monde.  Pour  le  pays  il  efl  beau  h  merveilles,  & 
abondant  en  chaffe.  Mais  eftant  en  pays  plus  froid 
que  le  port  Royal,  affavoir  quatre  vingtz  lieues  plus 
au  Nort,  aufli  la  pelleterie  y  efl  elle  beaucoup  plus 
belle.  Car  (entre  autres)  les  Renars  y  font  noirs,  & 
d'vn  poil  fi  beau,  qu'il  femble  faire  honte  h.  la  Martre. 
Les  Sauvages  du  Port  Royal  y  peuvent  aller  en  dix 
ou  douze  jours  par  le  moyen  des  rivieres  fur  lef- 
quelles  ils  navigent  preque  jufques  h.  la  fource,  &  de 
Ik  portans  leurs  petits  canots  d'6corce  par  quelque 
efpace  dans  les  bois,  ils  gaignent  vne  autre  riviere  qui 
va  tomber  dans  ledit  fleuve  de  Canada,  &  ainfi  expe- 
dient bien-tot  de  logs  voyages :  ce  que  de  nous-memes 
ne  fgaurions  faire  en  I'etat  qu'eft  le  pais.  Et  par  mer 
audit  Kebec  il  y  a  dudit  Port  Royal  plus  de  quatre 
cens  lieues  en  allant  par  le  Cap  Breton.  Ledit  Sieur 
de  Monts  y  auoit  envoye  des  vaches  des  il  y  a  deux 
ans  &  demi,  mais  faute  de  quelque  femme  de  village 
qui  entendifl  le  [41]  gouvernement  d'icelles,  on  en  a 
laille  mourir  la  plufpart  en  fe  dechargeant  de  leurs 
veaux.  En  quoy  fe  reconoit  combien  vne  femme  efl 
necelTaire  en  vne  maifon,  laquelle  ie  ne  fgay  pour- 
quoy  tant  degens  rejettent,  &  ne  s'en  peuvent  paffer. 
Quant  k  moy  ie  feray  tou jours  d'auis  qu'en  quelque 
habitation  que  ce  foil  on  ne  fera  jamais  fruit  fans  la 


i,V  -^1 


1610-18] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


101 


and  if  they  had  not  taken  away  the  license  which 
.was  granted  him  to  trade  in  Beaver  and  other  skins, 
to-day  we  should  have  had  a  vast  number  of  cattle, 
fruit-trees,  people,  and  buildings  in  the  said  province. 
For  he  earnestly  desired  to  see  everything  estab- 
livshed  there  to  the  honor  of  God  and  of  Frcnce.  And, 
although  he  has  been  deprived  of  the  motive  for  con- 
tinuing, yet  up  to  the  present  he  does  not  seem  dis- 
couraged in  doing  what  he  can ;  for  he  has  had  built 
at  Kebec  a  Fort  and  some  very  good  and  convenient 
dwellings.  Here  at  Kebec  this  [40]  great  and  mighty 
river  of  Canada  narrows  down  and  is  only  a  falcon- 
shot  wide ;  it  has  as  great  a  supply  of  fish  as  any 
river  in  the  world.  As  to  the  country,  it  is  wonder- 
fully beautiful,  and  abounds  in  game.  But  being  in  a 
colder  region  than  port  Royal,  since  it  is  eighty 
leagues  farther  North,  the  fur  there  is  all  the  finer. 
For  (among  other  animals)  the  Foxes  are  black  and  of 
such  beautiful  fur  that  they  seem  to  put  the  Martens 
to  shame.  The  Savages  of  Port  Royal  can  go  to 
Kebec  in  ten  or  twelve  days  by  means  of  the  rivers, 
which  they  navigate  almo.st  up  to  their  sources ;  and 
thence,  carrying  their  little  bark  canoes  for  some 
distance  through  the  woods,  they  reach  another 
stream  which  flows  into  the  river  of  Canada,  and  thus 
greatly  expedite  their  long  voyages,  which  we  our- 
selves could  not  do  in  the  present  state  of  the  country. 
And  from  Port  Royal  to  Kebec  by  sea  it  is  more 
than  four  hundred  leagues,  going  by  way  of  Cape 
Breton.  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  some  cows  there  two 
years  and  a  half  ago,  but  for  want  of  some  village 
housewife  who  understood  [41]  taking  care  of  them,  T/ic  need  of 
they  let  the  greater  part  die  in  giving  birth  to  their  women. 
calves.     Which  shows  how  necessary  a  woman  is  in 


I  % 


w 


102  LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


) 


\\i 


\ 


V 


L    » 


II" 


Ecclcfi. 
4  verf. 

10. 


Confpira- 

tton  cha- 

tiec. 


Voyage 
aux  Iro- 
quois. 


PcHples 
entteniis. 


compagnie  des  femmes.  Sans  elles  la  vie  eft  trifle, 
ies  maladies  viennent,  &  meurt  on  fans  fecours. 
C'est  pourquoy  ie  me  mocque  de  ces  myfogames  qui 
leur  ont  voulu  tant  de  mal,  &  particiilierement  i'cn 
veux  k  ce  fol  qu'on  a  mis  an  nombre  des  fept  Sages, 
lequel  difoit  que  la  femme  ell  vn  mal  necefCaire,  veu 
qu'il  n'y  a  bien  au  monde  comparable  k  elle,  Auffi 
Dieu  la  il  baillee/o«r  compagnc  h  r  hoininc,  a  fin  de  I  aider 
&  confolcr :  &  le  Sr.ge  dit  que  Malhcureux  eji  l" hOme 
qui  eft  feul,  car  il  n' a per/onnc  qui  I  echauffe,  &  s' il  tombe 
cu  la  fojfe  il  n  a  per/onnc  pour  lerclever.  Que  s'il  y  a 
des  femmes  foUes,  il  faut  eftimer  que  Ies  hommes  ne 
font  point  sas  faute.  De  ce  defaut  de  vaches  plu- 
liears  fe  foni:  reffentis,  car  eftart  tombes  malades  ilz 
n'ont  pas  eu  toutes  Ies  douceurs  [42]  qu'autrement  ils 
eulTen*  cues,  &  s'en  font  allez  promener  aux  champs 
Elif^es.  Vn  autre  qui  auoit  eft6  de  notre  voyage, 
n'eut  point  la  patience  d'attendre  cela,  &  voulut 
gaigner  le  ciel  par  efcalade  des  le  commencement  de 
fon  arrivee,  par  vne  confpiration  contre  le  sieur 
Cliamplein  fon  Capitaine.  Les  complices  furent  con- 
demnes  aux  galeres,  &  ramen^s  en  France.  L'Ete 
venu  affa,voir  il  y  a  vn  an,  ledit  Cliamplein  defireux 
de  voir  le  pais  des  Iroquois,  afin  qu'en  fon  abfence 
les  Sauvages  ne  fe  faififfent  point  de  fon  Fort,  il  leur 
perfuada  d'aller  Ik  faire  la  guerre,  &  partirent  avec 
lui  &  deux  autres  Francois,  en  nobre  de  quatre-vingts 
ou  cent,  iufques  au  lac  defdirs  Iroquois,  k  deux  ces 
lieiies  loin  dudit  Kebec.  De  tout  temps  il  y  a  eu 
guerre  entre  ces  deux  nations,  comme  entre  les  Souri- 
quois  &  Armouchiquois :  &  fe  font  quelquefois  elev^s 
les  Iroquois  jufques  au  nobre  de  huit  mille  hommes, 
pour  guerroyer  &  exterminer  tous  ceux  qui  habitoient 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


103 


a  house,  and  I  cannot  understand  why  so  many 
people  slight  them,  although  they  cannot  do  without 
them.  For  my  part,  I  shall  always  believe  that,  in 
any  settlement  whatsoever,  nothing  will  be  accom- 
plished without  the  presence  of  women.  Without 
them  life  is  sad,  sickness  comes,  and  we  die  uncared- 
for.  Therefore  I  despise  those  woman-haters  who 
have  wished  them  all  sorts  of  evil,  which  I  hope 
will  overtake  that  lunatic  in  particular,  who  has  been 
placed  among  the  number  of  the  seven  Sages,  who 
said  that  woman  is  a  necessary  evil,  since  there  is  no 
blessing  in  the  world  to  be  compared  to  her.  '""here- 
fore  God  gave  her  as  a  companion  to  man,  to  aid  and 
comfort  him :  and  the  Wise  Man  says :  —  IVoc  to  liim 
that  is  alone,  for  zuhcn  he  fallcth,  he  hath  none  to  lift 
him  up.  And  if  tivo  lie  together,  they  shall  zvarvi  one 
another.  If  there  are  some  worthless  women,  we 
must  remember  that  men  are  not  faultless.  Several 
suffered  because  of  this  lack  of  cows,  for  when  they 
fell  ill  they  did  not  have  all  the  comforts  [42]  that 
they  would  have  had  otherwise,  and  so  they  have 
departed  to  the  Elysian  fields.  Another,  who  had 
been  with  us  on  the  voyage,  did  not  have  the  pa- 
tience to  wait  for  death,  but  must  needs  go  to 
heaven  by  scaling  the  walls,  as  soon  as  he  arrived 
there,  by  a  conspiracy  against  sieur  de  Champlein, 
his  Captain.  His  accomplices  were  condemned  to 
the  galleys  and  sent  back  to  France.  When  Sum- 
mer came,  that  is  a  year  ago,  Champlein  wishing 
to  vSee  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  to  prevent  the 
Savages  from  seizing  his  Fort  in  his  absence,  per- 
suaded them  to  go  and  make  war  against  them ;  so 
they  departed  with  him  and  two  other  Frenchmen, 
to  the  number  of  eighty  or  a  hundred,  to  the  lake  of 


Ecclesiastes 
4,  verse  10. 


A  c  Otis  pir- 
acy pun- 
ished. 


Journey  to 
the  land 

of  the 
Iroquois. 


■\\ 


I 


'J 


#1 


i 


^ 


■VT" 


104 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


\n 


! 


la  grande  riviere  de  Canada :  comme  il  eft  h  croire 
qu'ils  ont  fait,  d'autant  que  Ik  n' eft  plus  aujourd'hui  le 
langage  quis'y  parloitau  [43]  temps  de  lacques  Quar- 
tier,  qui  y  fut  il  y  a  quatre-vingts  ans.  Ledit  Cham- 
plein  avec  fes  troupes  arrive  Ik,  ilz  ne  fe  peurent  fi 
bien  cacher  qu'ilz  ne  fuflent  apperceuz  de  ces  peuples, 

Guerre.  qui  ont  toujours  des  fentinelles  fur  les  aveniies  de 
leurs  ennemis :  &  s'eftans  les  vns  &  les  autres  bien 
rempares,  il  fut  convenu  entre  eux  de  ne  point  com- 
battre  pour  ce  jour  Ik,  mais  de  remettre  I'affaire  au 
lendemain.  Le  temps  lors  eftoit  ferein :  fi  bien  que 
I'Aurore  n'eut  point  plutot  chaffs  les  ombres  de  la 
nuit,  que  la  rumeur  s'emeut  par  tout  le  camp.  Quel- 
que  enfant  perdu  des  Iroquois  ayant  voulu  fortir  de 
fes  rem  pars,  fut  tranfperce  non  d'un  trait  d'Apollon, 
ou  de  I'Archerot  aux  yeux  bendes,  mais  d'un  vray 
trait  materiel  &  bien  poignant  qui  le  mit  k  la  ren- 
verfe.  Lk  delTus,  la  colere  monte  au  front  des  offen- 
fes  &  chacun  fe  met  en  ordre  pour  attaquer  &  fe 
•  defendre.  Comme  la  troupe  des  Iroquois  s'avan9oit, 
Champlein  qui  avoit  charge  fon  moufquet  a  deux 
;.  balles,  voyant  deux  Iroquois  marcher  devant  avec  des 
panaches  fur  la  tete,  fe  douta  que  c'eftoient  deux  Capi- 
taines,  &  voulut  s'avancer  [44]  pour  les  mirer.  Mais 
les  Sauvages  de  Kebec  I'empecherent,  difans:  II 
n'eft  pas  bon  qu'ilz  te  voyent,  car  incontinent,  n'ay- 

.   •  ans   point   accoutume    de   voir   telles   gens,  ilz  s'en 

fuiront.  Mais  retire  toy  derriere  le  premier  rang  des 
notres,  &  puis  quand  nous  ferons  prets,  tu  devanceras. 
Ce  qu'il  fit:  &  par  ce  moyen  furent  les  deux  Capi- 
taines  tout  enfemble  emportes  d'vn  coup  de  mouf- 

Victorie.  quet.  Lors  vic5toire  gaignee.  Car  chacun  fe  debende, 
&  ne  reftoit  qu'a  pourfuivre.     Ce  qui  fut  fait  avec 


♦  i 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


105 


the  Iroquois,  two  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
Kebec.  There  has  always  been  war  between  these 
two  nations,  as  there  has  been  between  the  Souri- 
quois  and  Armouchiquois:  and  sometimes  the  Iro- 
quois have  raised  as  many  as  eight  thousand  men 
to  war  against  and  exterminate  all  those  who  live 
near  the  great  river  of  Canada:  and  it  seems  that 
they  did  this,  as  to-day  the  language  which  was  spoken 
in  the  [43]  time  of  Jacques  Quartier,  who  was  there 
eighty  years  ago,  is  no  longer  heard  in  that  region.^ 
When  Champlein  arrived  there  with  his  troops,  they 
could  not  conceal  themselves  so  well  but  that  they 
were  perceived  by  the  Iroquois,  who  always  have 
sentinels  upon  the  routes  of  their  enemies:  and  each 
side  being  well  fortified,  it  was  agreed  among  them 
not  to  fight  that  day,  but  to  postpone  the  affair  until 
the  morrow.  The  weather  then  was  very  clear;  so 
clear  that  scarcely  had  Aurora  chased  away  the  shad- 
ows of  the  night,  than  a  din  was  heard  throughout 
the  camp.  An  Iroquois  skirmisher  having  tried  to 
issue  from  the  fortifications,  was  pierced  through, 
not  by  one  of  the  arrows  of  Apollo,  nor  of  the  little 
Archer  with  the  blindfolded  eyes,  but  by  a  genuine 
and  very  painful  arrow,  which  stretched  him  out 
upon  his  back.  Thereupon  the  eyes  of  the  offended 
were  full  of  ire,  and  each  one  takes  his  place  in  the 
line  of  attack  and  defense.  As  the  band  of  Iroquois 
advances,  Champlein,  who  had  charged  his  musket 
with  two  balls,  .seeing  two  Iroquois,  their  heads 
adorned  with  feathers,  marching  on  in  front,  sup- 
posed they  were  tw^o  Captains,  and  wanted  to  advance 
[44]  and  aim  at  them.  But  the  Kebec  Savages 
prevented  him,  saying: — "It  is  not  well  that  they 
should  see  thee,  for,  never  having  been  accustomed 


Hostile 
nations. 


War. 


I 
ill 


\ 


106 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.1 


Tabagie,     peu  de  refiflance,  &  emporterent  environ  cinquante 
c'ejifejn.    ^-^gg  ^jg  Xqxxx^  ennemis,  dont  au  retour  ilz  firent  de 

merveilleufes  fetes  en  Tabagies,  danfes,  &  chanfons 

continuelles,  felon  leur  eoutume. 


k 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


107 


to  see  such  people  as  thou  art,  they  would  imme- 
diately run  away.  But  withdraw  behind  our  first 
rank,  and  when  we  are  ready,  thou  shalt  advance. " 
He  divi  so,  and  in  this  way  the  two  Captains  were  both 
slain  by  one  musket  shot.  Victory  ensued  at  once. 
For  they  all  disbanded,  and  it  only  remained  to  pur- 
sue them.  This  was  done  with  little  opposition,  and 
they  carried  off  some  fifty  of  their  enemies'  heads,  a 
triumph  which,  upon  their  return,  they  celebrated 
with  great  festivities,  consisting  of  continual  Taba- 
gies,-'^  dances,  and  chants,  according  to  their  custom.** 


Victory, 


Tabagie  is 
celebrated. 


•\       \ 


108 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


IV\ 


[4^]  Extrait  dv  Regitre  de  Bapteme  de  I'Eglise  dv 

Port  Royal  en  la  Nouvelle  France.    Le  iovr 

Sainct  lehan  Baptifte  24.  de  luin. 


Ill 


V 


\ 


MEMBERTOV  grand  Sagamos  ag^  de  plus  de 
cent  ans  a  efte  baptize  par  Meflire  leffe  Fleche 
Pretre,  &  nomm6  Henry  par  Monfieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt  au  nom  du  Roy. 

2.  Membertovcoichis  (dit  ludas)  fils  aine  de 
Membertov  ag6  de  plus  de  60.  ans,  auffi  baptiz6,  & 
nomm^  Lovis  par  Monfieur  de  Biencour  au  nom  de 
Monfieur  le  Dauphin. 

3.  Le  fils  aine  de  Membertoucoichis  dit  ^  prefent 
Louis  Membertou,  age  de  cinq  ans,  baptize  &  tenu 
par  Monfieur  de  Poutrincourt,  qui  I'a  nomme  Iehan 
de  fon  nom. 

4.  La  fille  ainee  dudit  Louis  agee  de  treze  ans  auffi 
baptizee,  &  nommee  Christine  par  ledit  vSieur  de 
Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Madame  la  fille  ainee  de 
France. 

5.  La  feconde  fille  dudit  Louis  agee  d'onze  ans 
auffi  baptizee,  &  nommee  Elizabeth  par  ledit  fieur  de 
Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Madame  la  fille  puifn^e  de 
France. 

6.  La  troifieme  fille  dudit  Louis  tenue  par  ledit 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Madame  fa  femme 
auffi  baptizee,  nommee  Clavde. 

7.  La  4.  fille  dudit  Loui's  tenue  par  Monfieur  de 
Coullogne  pour  Madamoifelle  fa  mere,  a  eu  nom 
Catherine. 


1610-13] 


Thf-  JESUTT  RELA  TIONS 


109 


[45]  Extract  from  the  Register  of  Baptism  in  the 

Church  of  Port  Royal,  New  France.    The  day 

of  Saint  John  the  Baptist,  June  24. 


MEMBERTOU,  a  great  Sagamore,  over  one  hun- 
dred years  old,  has  been  baptized  by  Messire 
Jesse  Fleche,'^'''  a  priest;  and  named  Henry, 
by  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  after  the  late  king, 

2.  Membertoucoichis  ( called  Judas),  eldest  son 
of  Membertou,  over  sixty  years  old,  also  baptized; 
and  named  Louis,  by  Monsieur  de  Biencour,  after 
Monsieur  the  Dauphin. 

3.  The  eldest  son  of  Membertoucoichis,  now  called 
Louis  Membertou,  aged  five  years,  baptized  ;  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  godfather,  and  named  John, 
after  himself. 

4.  The  eldest  daughter  of  said  Louis,  aged  thir- 
teen years,  also  baptized ;  and  named  Christine  by 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  after  Madame  the  eldest 
daughter  of  France. 

5.  The  second  daughter  of  the  said  Louis,  eleven 
years  old,  also  baptized ;  and  named  Elizabeth  by 
sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  after  Madame,  the  youngest 
daughter  of  France. 

6.  The  third  daughter  of  said  Louis,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  godfather,  also  baptized,  and  named 
Claude,  in  honor  of  his  wife. 

7.  The  fourth  daughter  of  said  Louis,  Monsieur 
de  CouUogne  godfather,  was  named  Catherine,  af- 
ter his  mother. 


m 


i 


m 


no 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /Its UITES  [Vol.1 


I 


■« 


8.  La  5.  fille  dudit  Louis  a  eu  nom  Iehanne  ainfi 
nomee  par  ledit  fieur  de  routrincourt  au  no  d'une  de 
fes  filles.  [t6] 

9.  La  6.  fille  dudit  Louis  tenue  par  Ren6  Maheu 
a  efte  nommee  Charlotte  du  nom  de  fa  mere. 

10.  AcTAVUiNECH,  troifieme fils dudit  Henri  Mem- 
bertou  a  efte  nomme  Pavl  par  ledit  fieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  au  nom  du  Pape  Paul. 

11.  La  femme  dudit  Paul  a  e fid  nommde  Renee 
du  nom  de  Madame  d'Ardanville. 

12.  La  femme  dudit  Henri  a  eftd  tenue  par  ledit 
fieur  de  Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  la  Royne,  &  nommde 
Marie  de  fon  nom. 

13.  La  fille  dudit  Henri  tenue  par  ledit  fieur  de 
Poutrincourt,  &  nommee  Margverite  au  nom  de  la 
Royne  Marguerite. 

14.  L'vne  des  femmes  dudit  Louis  tenue  par  Mon- 
fieur  de  loui  pour  Madame  de  Sigogne,  nommee  de 
fon  nom. 

15.  L'autre  femme  dudit  Louis  tenue  par  ledit 
fieur  de  Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Madame  de  Dam- 
pierre. 

16.  Arnest  coufin  dudit  Henri  a  efle  tenu  par 
ledit  fieur  de  Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Monfieur  le 
Nonce,  &  nommd  Robert  de  fon  nom. 

17.  Agovdegoven  aulfi  coufin  dudit  Henri  a  eftd 
nomme  Nicolas  par  ledit  fieur  de  Poutrincourt  au 
nom  de  Monfieur  des  Noyers  Advocat  au  Parlement 
de  Paris. 

18.  La  femme  dudit  Nicolas  tenue  par  ledit  fieur 
de  Poutrincourt  au  nom  de  Monfieur  fon  neveu,  a  eu 
nom  Philippe. 

19.  La  fille  ain6e  d'icelui  Nicolas  tenue  par  le  dit 
Sieur  pour  Madame  de  Belloy  fa  niepce,  &  nommee 
Lovise  de  fon  nom. 


!l  1 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


111 


8.  The  fifth  daughter  of  said  Louis  was  named 
Jeanne,  thus  named  by  sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  after 
one  of  his  daughters.  [46] 

9.  The  sixth  daughter  of  said  Louis,  Rend  Maheu 
godfather,  was  named  Charlotte,  after  his  mother. 

10.  AcTAVDiNECH,  the  third  son  of  Henry  Member- 
tou,  was  named  Paul  by  sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  after 
Pope  Paul. 

11.  The  wife  of  said  Paul  was  named  Ren^e,  after 
Madame  d'Ardanville. 

12.  The  wife  of  said  Henry,  sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
sponsor  in  the  name  of  the  Queen,  was  named  Marie, 
after  her. 

13.  The  daughter  of  Henry,  sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
godfather,  was  named  Marguerite,  after  Queen 
Marguerite. 

14.  One  of  the  wives  of  Louis,  Monsieur  de  Joui 
sponsor  in  the  name  of  Mme.  de  Sigogne,  was  named 
after  her. 

15.  The  other  wife  of  Louis,  sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
sponsor  in  the  name  of  Madame  de  Dampierre. 

16.  Arnest,  cousin  of  Henry,  sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court godfather  in  the  name  of  Monsieur  the  Nuncio, 
was  after  him  named  Robert. 

17.  Agovdegoven,  also  cousin  of  Henry,  was  by 
sieur  de  Poutrincourt  named  Nicholas,  after  Mon- 
sieur de  Noyers,  a  Lawyer  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris. 

18.  The  wife  of  said  Nicholas,  sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court godfather  in  the  name  of  his  nephew,  was 
named  Philippe. 

19.  The  eldest  daughter  of  Nicholas,  the  said  Sieur 
sponsor  in  the  name  of  Madame  de  Belloy,  his  niece, 
was  after  her  named  Louise. 

20.  The  younger  daughter  of  Nicholas,  the  said 


1? 


,.^m 


''.» 


!^ 


'  .1 

m 


i 


f 


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^If 


112 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.1 


20.  La  puif-nee  dudit  Nicolas  tenue  par  ledit  fieur 
pour  lacques  de  Salazar  fon  fils,  a  eft6  nomm^e  Iac- 

QVELINE. 

2 1 .  Vne  niepce  dudit  Henri  tenue  par  Monfieur  de 
Coullongne  au  nom  de  Madamoifelle  de  Grandmare, 
&  nommf^e  Anne  de  fon  nom. 


LOVE   SOIT    DIEV. 


L  1 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


118 


sieur  being  godfather  for  Jacques  de  Salazar,  his  son, 
was  named  Jacqueline. 

2  1.  A  niece  of  Henry,  Monsieur  de  Coullongne 
sponsor  in  the  name  of  Mademoiselle  de  Grandmare, 
was  after  her  named  Anne. 


PRAISED   BE   GOD. 


m 


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I' 


t 


II 
Bertrand's  Lettre  Missive 

Touchant  la  Conversion  et  Baptesme  du  grand 

Sagamos 

Paris:    JEAN  REGNOUL,  1610 


I  - 


Source  :     Title-page  and  text  reprinted  from   original   in 

Lenox  Library. 


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MISSI. 

VE,  TOVCHANTJLA 

.  Conversion  et  flpip- 
tefmc  du  grand  Sagatnos  dc 
lanouuelle  Frace,qui  en  eftoii 
auparauantrr^rriueedes  Fran- 
cois le  chef  &;  fouuerain. 

Contendnt  fk  promejfc  ^dff^enctfes  fitbicti 

aU  mefme  ConunfionyaHles'^comr^n- 

dre  par  U  foY^  dts  armes* 

irnuoycc  du  Port  TLoyal  4c  la  noUucIIc 
France  auS«-  dclaTronchaic,d^itcc 
du'zS.Iuin  1610.     .« 


• 


'itl 


'  "t.- 


A    P  A  R  I  Si 

Chez  I  BAN  Re  GNovL,  rucdu  FoiJi/ 
pres  faind  Yucs. 

■ '     '  m 

I  6    I    O.         * 

t/t»cc  ^ermiJsiHti 


1 

J 


,  ■»■: 


-V      ■^".-.•di — ■    -    •—- Tufa  Mjhi-iir '-'■'-- *-^- 


li 


A  LETTER  MISSI- 
VE IN  REGARD  TO  THE 
Conversion  and  Baptism 
of  the  grand  Sagamore  of  New 
France,  who  was,  before  the  ar- 
rival of  the  French,  its  chief 
and  sovereign. 

Containing  his  promise  to  secure  the  con- 

version  of  his  subjects  also,  even  by 

strength  of  arms. 

Sent  from  Port  Royal,  in  New  France,   to 

Sieur   de   la  Tronchaie,   dated 

June  28,  1610. 


W 


lA 


PARIS, 

JEAN  REGNOUL,  Rue  du  Foin, 
near  Saint  Ives. 


1610. 


With  permission. 


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A 


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ii 


120 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.  1 


Iv 


[3]     Lettre  Miffive,  Tovchant  la  Converfion  et 

Baptefme  du  Grand  Sagamos  de  la  nouuelle 

France,  qui  en  eftoit  auparauant  I'arriuee 

des   Francois  chef  &  fouuerain. 


Les  nou- 

uelles  de  la 

mort  du 

Roy 

n'ejlotet 

encores  en 

ce  pays  la. 


MONSIEVR  &  Frere,  le  n'ay  voulu  lailTer  partir 
le  nauire  fans  vous  faire  f9auoir  des  nouuelles 
de  ce  pais  que  ie  croy  aurez  agreables,  d'ati- 
tant  que  ie  fgay,  qu'efles  bon  Catholique,  C'efl  que  le 
Grand  Sagamos,  qui  fe  dit  en  noflre  langue  Grand 
Capitaine  des  Sauuages,  &  le  premier  de  tous,  s'eft 
fait  baptifer  le  iour  de  la  faindt  lean  Baptide  derniere, 
[4]  auec  fa  femme,  fes  enfans,  &  enfans  de  fes  enfans, 
iuf ques  au  nombre  de  vingt :  auec  autant  de  ferueur, 
ardeur  &  zele  h.  la  Religion  que  pourroit  faire  vn  qui 
y  auroit  efte  inftruidt  depuis  trois  ou  quatre  ans:  II 
promet  faire  baptizer  les  autres,  autrement  qu'il  leur 
fera  la  guerre :  Monfieur  de  Poutrincourt  &  Monfieur 
fon  fils  les  ont  tenus  au  nom  du  Roy,  &  de  Mon- 
feigneur  le  Dauphin.  C'eft  defia  vn  beau  commence- 
ment, ie  croy  que  cy  apres  ce  fera  encores  mieux  : 
Quant  au  pays,  iamais  ie  n'ay  veu  rien  de  fi  beau, 
meilleur  ny  plus  fertile,  &  vous  dis  auec  verite,  & 
fans  nientir,  que  fi  i'auois  trois  ou  quatre  Laboureurs 
maintenant  auec  moy,  &  [5]  pour  les  nourrir  vne  annde, 
&  du  bled  pour  enfemencer  le  labourage  qu'ils  pour- 
roient  faire  de  leurs  bras  feulement,  du  furplus  qui 
me  reuiendroit  apres  leur  nourriture,  i'efpererois 
faire  trafiq  tous  les  ans  de  fept  ou  huicft  mille  liures 
en  Caftors  &  Pelleterie :  Ie  fuis  bien  marry  auant  que 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


121 


\ 
:  ■ 


[3]    A  Letter  Missive  in  regard  to  the  Conversion 

and  Baptism  of  the  Grand  Sagamore  of  new 

France,  who  was,  before  the  arrival  of 

the  Freiicn,  its  chief  and  sovereign. 

SIR  and  Brother,  I  did  not  wish  the  ship  to  de- 
part without  giving  you  some  news  of  this 
country  which  I  believe  will  be  acceptable, 
as  I  know  that  you  are  a  good  Catholic.  The  Grand 
Sagamore,  whom  we  call  in  our  language  Grand  Cap- 
tain of  the  Savages,  and  chief  of  all,  was  baptized 
on  last  saint  John  the  Baptist's  day,  [4]  with  his  wife, 
children,  and  children's  children,  to  the  number 
of  twenty;  with  as  much  enthusiasm,  fervor,  and  zeal 
for  Religion  as  would  have  been  evinced  by  a  per- 
son who  had  been  instructed  in  it  for  three  or  four 
years.  He  promises  to  have  the  others  baptized, 
or  else  make  war  upon  them.  Monsieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt  and  his  son  acted  as  sponsors  for  them  in 
the  name  of  the  King,  and  of  Monseigneur  the 
Dauphin.  We  have  already  made  this  good  begin- 
ning, which  I  believe  will  become  still  better  here- 
after. As  to  the  country,  I  have  never  seen  anything 
so  beautiful,  better,  or  more  fertile;  and  I  can  say 
to  you,  truly  and  honestly,  that  if  I  had  three  or  four 
Laborers  with  me  now,  and  [5]  the  means  of  support- 
ing them  for  one  year,  and  some  wheat  to  sow  in  the 
ground  tilled  by  their  labor  alone,  I  .should  expect  to 
have  a  yearly  trade  in  Beaver  and  other  Skins  amount- 
ing to  seven  or  eight  thousand  livres,  with  the  sur- 


I , 


The  news  of 

the  King's 

death  had 

not  then 

reached 

Canada, 


■I  u 


i 


122 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


•< 


partir  que  ie  ne  fgauois  ce  que  ie  fgay,  i'eulTe  em- 
ploy^ le  verd  &  Ie  fee  ou  i'en  eulTe  amen^  deux  ou 
trois,  &  deux  muids  de  bled  qui  eft  peu  de  chofe : 
Vous  affeurant  qu'il  fait  beau  trafiquer  par  deg^,  & 
faire  vn  beau  gain :  Si  vous  voulez  y  entendre,  man- 
dez  moy  voftre  volenti  par  ce  porteur  qui  defire  re- 
tourner  &  faire  trafiq,  fuiuant  ce  qu'il  a  veu.  Ie  ne 
vous  [6]  en  diray  dauantage,  finon  que  ie  prieray  Dieu 
Monfieur  &  frere  vous  donner  en  parfaidle  Xante 
tref-longue  vie.  De  la  nouuelle  France,  du  Port 
Royal  ce  xxviij.  luin,  i6io. 

Voftre  tref-affe6lionn(f  Frere  &  feruiteur 

Bertrand. 


% 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


123 


plus  which  would  remain  to  me  after  their  support. 
I  am  very  sorry  that  I  did  not  know  before  my  de- 
parture what  I  know  now ;  if  I  had,  I  .should  have 
left  no  stone  unturned  to  bring  with  me  two  or  three 
farmers,  and  two  hogsheads  of  wheat,  which  is  a  mere 
trifle.  I  assure  you  it  is  delightful  to  engage  in  trade 
over  here  and  to  make  such  handsome  profits.  If  you 
wish  to  take  a  hand  in  it,  let  me  know  your  intentions 
by  the  bearer,  who  desires  to  return  and  traffic  here 
in  pursuance  of  what  he  has  seen.  I  [6]  shall  say  no 
more,  except  to  pray  God  to  give  you.  Sir  and 
Brother,  a  long  life  and  perfect  health.  From  Port 
Royal,  New  France,  this  28th  of  June,  1610. 
Your  very  affectionate  Brother  and  servant, 

Bertrand. 


{ 


rAi 


I  -I  :\ 


v»" 


ROY  Al- 


ly 


'  <  (  {f'H  r  ;         Grande  Sa^e  Franc.9%{9     > 


NOV 


From  Lescarbot's  Histoire  de  la  No 

ISlightly  reduced  from  c 


1^ 


IRE   DE   LA   NOVVELLE   FRANCE;   PARIS,    l6l2. 
:htly  reduced  from  original.] 


□ 


•«  ■// 


:-k^ 


IIl-VI 


Lettre  du  P.  Pierre  Biard,  au  T.  R.-P.  Claude 

Aquaviva 

Dieppe,   Janvier  21,  161 1 

Lettre  du  P.  Biard,  au  R.-P.  Christophe  Baltazar 

Port  Royal,  Juin  10,  161 1 

Lettre  du  P.  Ennemond  Masse,  au  T.  R.-P. 

Aquaviva 

Port  Royal,  Juin  10,  161 1 

Lettre  du  P.  Biard,  au  T.  R.-P.  Aquaviva 

Port  Royal,  Juin  11,  161 1 


Source:  Reprinted  from  Premiire  Mission  des  J  ^suites 
au  Canada,  by  Auguste  Carayon,  S.  J.  Paris  :  L'fccureux, 
1864. 


^1^ 


\\\ 


Ml 


i 


126 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JESUITES  [Vol.  1 


n^ 


\- 


[i]      PREMIERE  MISSION  DES  JESUITES 

AU   CANADA.* 

Lettre  du  P.  Pierre  Biard,  au  T.  R.  P.  Claude  A- 

quaviva,  General  de  la  Compagnie 

de  Jesus,  a  Rome. 

{^Traduitc  siir  l' original  latin,  conservd  dans  les 
Archives  du  Jesus,  a  Rome). 

Dieppe,  21  janvier  1611. 

MON  Tres-Reverend  Pere, 
Pax  Christi. 
Que  je  voudrais  pouvoir  vous  raconter  com- 
bien  grandes  et  nombreuses  ont  ete,  dans  notre  pe- 
tite affaire,  les  misericordes  de  Dieu  et  les  fruits  de 
sa  benediction  et  des  prieres;  c'est-a-dire  comment 

*  Nous  ajouterons  aux  lettres  de  nos  premiers  missionnaires  au 
Canada  un  fragment  d'un  memoire  intitul6  :  Monumenta  Novce 
Francice,  ab  anno  itx)?,  ad  annum  1737. — Insulce  Martinicce  ab 
anno  1678. — Insula:  Cayennensis  ab  anno  1668. 

La  traduction  du  chapicre  II  de  ce  manuscrit,  conserve  dans  nos 
archives  de  Rome,  donnera  uu  ensemble  de  faits  sur  la  Nouvelle- 
[2]  France,  qui  ne  se  trouve  pas  dans  les  lettres  que  nous  publions. 

Ir'armi  les  gentilshommes  qui  s'offrirent  a  Henri  le-Grand,  d'heu- 
reuse  memoire,  pour  entreprendre  la  colonisation  de  la  Nouvelle- 
France,  etait  le  sieur  de  Potrincourt.  Le  rti  lui  accorda  tout  ce 
qu'il  demandait,  mais  en  lui  signifiant  qu'il  aurait  a  cmmener  avec 
lui  des  religieux  pns  dans  notre  Compagnie  pour  les  employer, 
selon  ses  ordres,  a  procurer  le  salut  des  saL-.vages;  que  du  reste  la 
depense  de  cette  mission  ne  serait  nuUement  a  sa  charge,  mais  que 
le  Tresor  royal  y  pourvoirait. 


i\ 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


127 


■^i 


[1]     FIRST  MISSION   OF  THE  JESUITS 
IN   CANADA/*  *^« 

Letter  from  Father  Pierre  Biard,'^^  to  the  Very  Rev- 
erend Father  Claude  Aquaviva,^  General 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Rome. 

{Translated from  the  Latin  original, preserved  in  the 
Archives  of  Jesus,  at  Rome.) 

Dieppe,  January  2ist,  i6ii.^'' 

MY  Very  Reverend  Father, 
The  peace  of  Christ  be  with  you. 
Would  that  1  could  recount  how  great  and 
numerous  have  been  the  mercies  of  God,  the  fruits  cf 
his  blessing  and  of  our  prayers  in  this  our  little  enter- 
prise ;  that  is  to  say,  how  [2]  we  have  emerged  from 

*  We  shall  add  to  the  letters  of  our  first  missionaries  to  Canada  a 
fragment  of  a  memoir  entitled :  Records  of  New  France,  from  the 
year  iboj  to  the  year  17J7. —  Of  the  Island  of  Martinique  from 
the  year  167S. — Of  the  Is  land  of  Cayenne  from  the  year  iddS. 

The  translation  of  chapter  II.  of  this  manuscript,  preserved  in 
our  archives  at  Rome,  will  give  a  collection  of  facts  about  New 
[2]  France,  which  are  not  found  in  the  letters  we  publish. 

Among  the  gentlemen  who  offered  themselves  to  Henry  the  Great, 
of  happy  memory,  to  undertake  the  colonization  of  New  France, 
was  sieur  de  Potrincourt.  The  king  granted  him  all  that  he 
asked,  but  at  thj  same  time  gave  him  to  understand  that  he  must 
take  with  him  some  religious  persons  from  our  Society  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing,  according  to  his  orders,  the  salvation  of  the 
savages;  furthermore,  that  the  expense  of  this  mission  would  in 
no  respc  jt  devolve  upon  him,  but  would  be  provided  for  from  the 
royal  Treasury. 


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LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


\\      ! 


f 


[2]  nous  sommes  sortis  de  difficult^s  graves  et  multi- 
pli^es,  et  comment,  d^livres  de  toute  entrave,  nous 
partons  pour  la  Nouvelle-France,  lieu  de  notre  [3]  des- 

Le  R.  P.  Piene  Coton,  alors  confesseur  et  predicateur  du  roi,  et 
qui  dtait  fort  estime  de  Sa  Majesty,  comma  on  sait,  fut  charge  par 
lui  de  choisir,  dans  sa  Compagnie,  des  hommes  capables,  pour 
mener  h.  bien  cette  perilleuse  et  sainte  entreprise. 

Beaucoup  de  nos  religieux  s'offrirent  pour  cette  mission  lointaine. 
Parmi  eux  on  remarquait  le  P.  Pierre  Biard,  homme  dont  la  vertu 
6galait  le  talent,  et  qui  occupait  alors  la  chaire  de  theologie  a  Lyon. 
Le  choix  des  superieurs  tomba  sur  lui  et  sur  le  P.  Ennemond  Masse, 
dont  nous  aurons  a  parler  plus  loin. 

lis  partirent  tous  les  deux  en  1608  pour  Bordeaux,  oii  ils  devaient 
s'embarquer,  mais  il  fallut  attendre  trois  ans.  Car  le  gentilhomme, 
dont  nous  avons  deja  parle,  rctarda  son  depart;  puis  ensuite  il  pr6- 
texta  la  necessite  de  faire  un  voyage  d'essai,  afin,  disait-il,  de  pre- 
parer une  habitation  convenable  pour  les  Peres.  II  fit  en  effet  ce 
voyage  accompagne  d'un  prStre  seculier,  lequel,  se  laissant  aller  k 
un  zele  peu  reflechi,  baptisa  une  centaine  de  sauvages,  sans  les 
avoir  suffisamment  instruits  et  eprouves.  Plus  tard,  on  s'apergut 
que  ces  pauvres  gens  n'avaient  pas  meme  corapris  ce  qu'ils  avaient 
regu. 

Trois  ans  apres,  de  retour  de  son  voyage,  le  sieur  de  Potrincourt, 
presse  par  la  reme-mere,  se  chargea  de  conduire  nos  Peres  au  [3]  Ca- 
nada. Mais  ce  ne  fut  pas  sans  grandes  difficultes  et  beaucoup  de  souf- 
frances  que  nos  Peres  arriverent  .lu  Port-Royal,  sur  les  cotes  de 
TAcadie. 

L'ann^e  qui  suivit  leur  arrivee,  deux  autres  des  Notres  allerent  les 
rejoindre:  ce  furent  le  P.  Quentin  et  le  Fr^re  coadjuteur  Gilbert  du 
Thet.  Deux  ans  de  sejour  a  Port-Roj^al  demontrerent  a  nos  Peres 
I'lmpossibilite  de  fixer  1^  le  centre  de  leur  mission,  soit  a  cause  de 
la  difiiculte  d'y  attirer  un  grand  concours  c!e  sauvages,  soit  a  cause 
des  tracasseries  de  ceux  qui  commandaient.  lis  transporterent  le 
siege  de  leur  mission  sur  un  autre  point  de  la  meme  cote,  au  45" 
degre  30  minutes  de  latitude,  et  cela  sur  un  decret  du  roi.  Cette 
fondation  prit  le  nom  de  Saint-Sauveur.  Ils  y  etaient  etablis  depuis 
peu  de  temps,  lorsque  les  anglais,  survenant  a  I'improviste,  s'em- 
parerent  du  vaisseau  francjais,  saisirent  les  lettres-patentes  du  com- 
mandant, et,  par  une  insigne  fourberie,  le  traiterent  de  pirate.  Au 
moment  de  I'attaque,  plusieurs  franyais  furent  tues,  et  parmi  eux  le 
frere  Gilbert  du  Thet,  homme  remarquable  par  son  courage  et  sa 
pi^te. 


>.      \ 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


129 


grave  and  multiplied  difficulties,  and  how,  delivered 
from  every  obstacle,  we  depart  for  New  France,  the 
place  to  which  we  [3]  are  bound,  as  Your  Reverence 


The  Reverend  Father  Pierre  Coton,  then  confessor  and  preacher 
to  the  king,  and  who  was  very  highly  esteemed  by  His  Majesty,  as 
we  know,  was  commissioned  by  him  to  select,  from  his  Society, 
some  men  capable  of  conducting  to  a  successful  issue  this  perilous 
and  holy  enterprise. 

Many  of  our  religious  offered  themselves  for  this  distant  mission. 
Among  them  was  noticed  Father  Pierre  Biard,  a  man  whose  integri- 
ty equaled  his  talent,  and  who  then  occupied  the  chair  of  theology 
at  Lyons.  The  choice  of  the  superiors  fell  upon  him  and  upon 
Father  Ennemond  Masse,  of  whom  we  shall  speak  hereafter. 

They  both  departed  in  1608  for  Bordeaux,  where  they  intended  to 
embark,  but  they  were  obliged  to  wait  three  years.  For  the  gentle- 
man, of  whom  we  have  already  spoken,  postponed  his  departure; 
then  he  offered  as  an  excuse  the  necessity  of  making  a  trial  voyage, 
in  order,  said  he,  to  prepare  a  suitable  dwelling  for  the  Fathers.  In 
fact  he  did  make  this  journey,  accompanied  by  a  secular  priest, 
who,  yielding  to  a  thoughtless  zeal,  baptized  a  hundred  savages 
without  having  sufficiently  instructed  and  tested  them.  Later,  it 
was  discovered  that  these  poor  people  had  not  even  understood  what 
they  had  received. 

Three  years  afterwards,  on  returning  from  his  voyage,  sieur  de 
Potrincourt,  urged  by  the  queen-mother,  undertook  to  convey  our 
Fathers  to  [3]  Canada.  But  it  was  not  without  great  difficulty  and 
much  suffering  that  they  reached  Port  Royal,  upon  the  coast  of 
Acadia. 

The  year  following  their  arrival,  two  others  of  our  Society  went 
to  join  them,  namely.  Father  Quentin  and  Gilbert  du  Thet,  a 
Brother-coadjutor.^'^  A  two  years'  sojourn  in  Port  Royal  demon- 
strated to  thera  the  impossibility  of  making  that  the  center  of  their 
mission,  either  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  attracting  there  a 
great  assemblage  of  savages,  or  because  of  the  bickerings  of  those 
in  command.  They  transferred  the  seat  of  their  mission  to  another 
point  upon  the  same  coast,  in  latitude  45°  30',  according  to  a  decree 
of  the  king.  This  settlement  received  the  name  of  Saint  Savior. 
They  had  been  established  there  but  a  buort  time,  when  the  English, 
coming  upon  them  suddenly,  took  possession  of  the  French  ship, 
seized  the  letters-patent  of  the  commander,  and,  by  a  piece  of 
outrageous  rascality,  treated  him  as  a  pirate.  At  the  moment  of 
attack  several  Frenchmen  were  killed,  and  among  them  brother 
Gilbert  du  Thet,  a  man  remarkable  for  his  courage  and  piety. 


i  i 


m 


i 


^'. 


180 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


tination,  comme  Votre  Paternity  le  salt !  Elle  peut 
certainement  s'en  rejouir  avec  une  grande  consola- 
tion dans  le  Seigneur. 

[4]  Mais  voici  ddjil  minuit  sonn^,  et  ^  la  premiere 
lueur  du  jour,  nou.-.  mettons  h  la  voile.  Je  vous  don- 
nerai  seulement  un  precis  des  evenements. 

Quand  les  marchands  h6r6tiques  nous  virent  ^ 
Dieppe,  au  jour  fix6  pour  le  depart,  le  27  octobre  de 

Les  anglais  victorieux,  apves  avoir  pille  tout  a  leur  aise,  abandon- 
nerent  dans  une  mauvaise  barque  une  partie  de  franqais,  et  em- 
menerent  avec  eux,  en  Virginie,  les  PP.  Biard  et  Quentin.  Nos  deux 
prisonniers  s'attendaient  h.  etre  condamnes  A  mort,  surtout  lorsque, 
reconduits  a  Port-Royal,  ils  refuserent  de  faire  connaitre  la  retraite 
des  frangais  qui  se  tenaient  caches  dans  les  environs.  Diriges  une 
seconde  fois  sur  la  Virginie,  ils  y  auraient  probablement  trouve  la 
more,  si  la  divine  Providence  n'eut  rendu  inutiles  tous  les  efforts  des 
marins  anglais  pour  y  aborder.  La  violence  de  la  tempete  les  rejeta 
sur  les  lies  Azores  appartenant  aux  portugais,  et  oil,  malgre  eux,  ils 
furent  obliges  de  prendre  terre. 

Les  anglais  eux-memes  furent  forces  d'admirer  la  loyaute  et  la 
[4]  charite  de  nos  Peres  qui,  en  se  montrant  aux  portugais,  pou- 
vaiert  amener  la  saisie  du  navire  et  faire  condamner  les  anglais, 
comme  pirates,  au  dernier  supplice.  Avant  d'entrer  dans  le  port, 
ils  avaient  exig6  de  leurs  prisonniers  la  promesse  de  ne  pas  les 
denoncer  et  de  se  tenir  caches  durant  tout  leur  sejour  aux  Azores. 
Pendant  la  visite  du  vaisseau  faite  par  les  portugais,  les  Peres 
resterent  k  fond  de  cale,  ou  ils  6chapperent  a  tous  les  regards.  Cette 
generositc  et  cette  fidelite  a  garder  la  parole  donnee  surprirent 
tellement  les  anglais,  qu'ils  changerent  immediatement  de  procedes 
envers  leurs  captifs  et  les  emmenerent  directement  en  Angleterre, 
oii  ils  firent  publiquement  leur  eloge. 

L'ambassadeur  de  France,  a  la  nouvelle  de  leur  arrivee,  se  hata  de 
les  reclamer  et  les  fit  reconduire  iionorablement  dans  leur  patrie,  au 
mois  de  mai  1614. 

Ce  premier  voyage  de  nos  missionnaires,  si  sterile  en  apparence, 
eut  cependant  d'heureux  resultats.  Outre  I'experience  acquise  et 
dent  on  profita,  le  zele  des  catholiqties  frangais,  ranim6  par  les 
paroles  des  Peres,  crea  de  nouvelles  ressources,  et  dos  que  la  colonic 
fran^aise  fut  d61ivree  des  anglais,  les  Jesuites  reprirent  la  route  du 
Canada,  ou  ils  fonderent  enfin  une  des  plus  belles  missions  de  la 
Compagnie. 


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181 


knows.  For  this  you  may  rejoice  with  great  consola- 
tion in  the  name  of  the  Lord. 

[4]  But  it  has  already  struck  midnight,  and  we  are  to 
sail  at  break  of  day,  so  I  shall  give  you  only  a  sum- 
mary of  the  events  which  have  taken  place. 

When  the  heretic  merchants  saw  us  at  Dieppe, 
upon  the  day  fixed  for  our  departure,  the  27th  of 
October  of  last  year,  16 10  (we  had,  in  fact,  agreed  to 

The  victorious  English,  after  having  pillaged  as  much  as  they 
liked,  abandoned  part  of  the  French  in  a  miserable  bark,  and  took 
with  them  to  Virginia  Fathers  Biard  and  Quentin.  Our  two  prisoners 
expected  to  be  condemned  to  death,  especially  when,  being  taken 
back  to  Port  Royal,  they  refused  to  make  known  the  hiding-place  of 
the  French  who  were  concealed  in  the  neighborhood.  Turning 
their  course  a  second  time  toward  Virginia,  they  would  probably 
have  met  death  there,  had  not  divine  Providence  frustrated  all  the 
efforts  of  the  English  sailors  to  land.  A  violent  storm  cast  them 
upon  the  Azores  islands,  which  belong  to  Portugal;  and  there,  in 
spite  of  all  their  efforts,  they  were  obliged  to  disembark. 

Even  the  English  were  forced  to  admire  the  loyalty  and  charity 
[4]  of  our  Fa<-ht;rs,  svho,  by  showing  themselves  to  the  Portuguese, 
might  havo  caused  the  seizure  of  the  ship,  and  had  the  English  con- 
demned and  executed  as  pirates.  Before  entering  port  they  exacted 
from  their  prisoners  the  promise  not  to  denounce  them,  and  to  keep 
themselves  concealed  during  their  entire  sojourn  at  the  Azores. 
While  the  Portuguese  were  visiting  the  ship,  the  Fathers  remained 
in  the  bottom  of  the  hold,  where  they  escaped  observation.  This 
generosity  and  loyalty  in  keeping  then  word  so  surprised  the  English 
that  they  immediately  changed  their  treatment  of  their  captives, 
and  took  them  directly  to  England,  where  they  publicly  eulogized 
them. 

The  French  ambassador,  on  hearing  of  their  arrival,  hastened  to 
reclaim  them,  and  had  them  taken  back  honorably  into  their  own 
country,  in  the  month  of  May,  1614. 

This  first  voyage  of  our  missionaries,  apparently  so  futile,  had, 
however,  fortunate  results.  Beside  the  experience  acquired,  of 
which  good  use  was  made,  the  zeal  of  French  catholics,  revived  by 
the  stories  of  the  Fathers,  created  new  resources ;  and  as  soon  as 
the  French  colony  was  delivered  from  the  English,  the  Jesuits 
resumed  their  voyages  to  Canada,  where  they  finally  founded  one 
of  the  finest  missions  of  the  Society. —  [Carayon.] 


1  . 


*      ■>. 


.^ 


!  *    ;    '* 


iSJ 


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LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


\ 


I'ann^e  demiere,  1610  (nous  ^tions  en  effet  convenus 
qu'on  partirait  de  Dieppe),  ils  imagin^rent  un  moyen 
qu'ils  crurent  favorable  pour  nous  nuire.  Deux 
d'entre  eux  avaient  fait  un  contrat  avec  M.  de  Potrin- 
court  pour  charger  et  equiper  son  navire,  [5]  sur  le- 
quel  nous  devions  voyager.  lis  declarerent  aussitot 
qu'ils  ne  voulaient  plus  s'occuper  du  vaisseau,  s'il 
devait  porter  des  Jesuites.  C'etait  une  insigne  ma- 
lice, et  elle  etait  facile  k  prouver,  surtout  quand  les 
catholiques  leur  ajoutaient  que  le  devoir  ne  leur  per- 
mettait  pas  de  refuser  les  Jesuites,  puisque  c'etait 
I'ordre  formel  de  la  Reir^. 

On  ne  put  cependant  rien  gagner  sur  eux.  II  fal- 
lut  avoir  encore  recours  a  la  Reine.  Sa  Majesty 
^crit  au  gouverneur  de  la  ville,  catholique  plein  de 
zMe  et  de  piete,  et  lui  enjoint  de  signifier  aux  her^- 
tiques  que  c'est  sa  volenti  que  les  Jesuites  soient 
re9us  dans  le  vaisseau  qui  va  partir  pour  la  Nouvelle- 
France,  et  qu'on  n'y  mette  aucun  obstacle. 

A  la  reception  de  ces  lettres,  le  gouverneur  as- 
semble ce  qu'on  appelle  le  consistoire,  c'est-k-dire 
tous  les  fideles  disciples  de  Calvin.  II  donne  lecture 
des  lettres  de  la  Reine,  et  les  invite  k  I'obeissance. — 
Quelques-uns,  c'est-k-dire  ceux  qui  etaient  bons, 
disent  hautement  qu'ils  sont  eux  aussi  du  meme  avis, 
et  ils  engagent  les  marchands  k  se  soumettre ;  mais 
ils  declarent  que  pour  eux  ils  ne  sont  maitres  de  rien. 
Tel  dtait  leur  langage  en  public ;  mais  en  particulier, 
un  des  marchands  qui  etait  charge  d' equiper  le  na- 
vire, protesta  qu'il  n'y  mettrait  rien;  que  la  Reine, 
si  elle  le  voulait,  pouvait  lui  [6]  oter  son  droit,  mais 
que  pour  lui,  il  ne  le  c^derait  pas  autrement. 

Que  faire?  Certainement  tout  etait  arrete  ;  car 
cette  society  n'avait  pas  de  contrat  ecrit,  et  ces  sortes 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


138 


sail  from  Dieppe ),  they  contrived  a  plan  which  they 
considered  capable  of  injuring  us.  Two  of  them  '^^ 
had  made  a  contract  with  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  to 
load  and  equip  his  ship,  [5]  in  which  we  were  to  make 
the  voyage.  They  straightway  declared  that  they 
would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  the  vessel,  if  it 
were  going  to  carry  any  Jesuits.  It  was  a  remark- 
able exhibition  of  malice,  as  was  easy  to  prove, 
especially  when  the  catholics  informed  them  that 
they  were  in  duty  bound  not  to  reject  the  Jesuits, 
since  it  was  the  formal  order  of  the  Queen. *^ 

However,  nothing  could  be  gained  from  them,  and 
the  Catholics  were  again  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
the  Queen.  Her  Majesty  writes  to  the  governor  of 
the  city,  a  zealous  and  pious  catholic,  and  charges 
him  to  inform  the  heretics  that  it  is  her  will  that  the 
Jesuits  be  received  in  the  ship  which  is  about  to  de- 
part for  New  France,  and  that  no  obstacle  be  put  in 
their  way. 

When  these  letters  are  received,  the  governor  as- 
sembles what  is  called  the  consistory,  namely,  all 
faithful  disciples  of  Calvin.  He  reads  the  Queen's 
letters  and  urges  them  to  be  obedient.  Some  of  them, 
namely,  those  who  were  well  disposed  toward  iJS. 
boldly  declare  that  they  also  are  of  the  same  opinion ; 
and  they  try  to  induce  the  merchants  to  yield.  But 
they  declare  that  for  their  part  they  are  not  the  mas- 
ters. At  least  they  say  this  in  public;  but  in  private 
one  of  the  merchants  who  was  charged  with  fitting 
out  the  vessel,  protested  that  he  would  put  nothing 
into  it;  that  the  Queen,  if  she  wished,  could  deprive 
him  [6]  of  his  right,  but  that  he  certainly  would  not 
yield  it  otherwise. 

What  was  to  be  done  ?      In  truth,  all  proceedings 


i 


fW 


1 


•,1 1 


m 


134 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JP:SUITES  [Vol.  1 


f 

1 


I 


V  : 


d 'engagements  entrc  gens  nobles  ne  se  mettent  pas 
ordinairement  siir  papier.  On  ne  pouvait  done  pas 
agir  contre  ces  heretiques. 

On  s'adresse  de  nouveau  a  la  Reine.  A  la  vue 
d'une  pareille  effronterie,  elle  dit  en  mani^re  de 
proverbe:  "II  ne  faut  s'abaisser  ci  prier  des  vilains"  ; 
et  elle  ajouta  que  les  Peres  partiraient  une  autre  fois, 

Les  catholiques  consternes  declarent  alorr.  aux  he- 
retiques que  les  Jesuites  ne  monteront  pas  dans  ce 
vaisseau,  qu'ils  peuvent  en  consequenee  le  freter,  et 
que,  dans  tons  les  cas,  si  les  Jesuites  y  prenaient 
place,  ils  payeraient  auparavant  eux-memes  le  prix 
de  la  cargaison. 

Cette  assurance  une  fois  donnee,  on  vit  ^  nu  toute 
la  malice  des  calvinistes ;  car  ils  chargerent  aussitot 
le  navire  completement  et  de  marchandises  et  de 
toute  esp^ce  d'objets,  ne  pouvant  s'imaginer  que  les 
catholiques  pusr^nt  jamais  trouver  de  quoi  payer  le 
prix  de  tant  de  choses. 

A  cette  nouvelle,  Madame  la  marquise  de  Guerche- 
ville,  premiere  dame  d'honneur  de  la  Reine,  [7]  s'in- 
digna  de  voir  les  efforts  de  I'enfer  prevaloir  et  la 
malice  des  hommes  pervers  detruire  ces  grandes 
esperances  que  Ton  avait  de  procurer  la  gloirc  de 
Dieu.  C'est  pourquoi,  afin  que  Satan  ne  demeurat 
pas  le  maitre  et  ne  renversat  pas  I'espoir  que  Ton 
avait  de  fonder  une  eglise  au  Canada,  elle  sollicita 
elle-meme  les  aumones  des  Grands,  des  Princes  et  de 
toute  la  Cour  pour  soustraire  les  Jesuites  k  la  me- 
chancete  des  heretiques. 

Qu'arriva-t-il?  Le  navire  deja  charge  etait  pret  a 
prendre  la  mer,  quand  cette  dame  envoya  aux  catho- 
liques 4,000  livres  avec  d'autres  secours.  Alors, 
pour  ne  pas  agir  par  surprise,  ils  vont  dire  adroite- 


N 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


i;].- 


were  at  a  standstill ;  for  this  society  had  no  written 
contract,  since  agreements  of  this  kind  among  noble- 
men are  not  usually  put  upon  paper.  Therefore  they 
could  not  prosecute  these  heretics. 

They  address  themselves  anew  to  the  Queen.  In 
the  presence  of  such  effrontery  she  quoted  the  words 
of  the  proverb :  ' '  Never  stoop  to  entreat  a  churl, ' ' 
and  added  that  the  Fathers  should  go  another  time. 

The  dismayed  catholics  then  declare  to  the  heretics 
that  the  Jesuits  will  not  embark  upon  their  vessel, 
and  that  consequently  they  may  go  on  freighting  it ; 
and  that,  in  any  event,  if  the  Jesuits  did  occupy  a  place 
therein,  they  themselves  would  first  pay  the  price  of 
the  cargo. 

This  assurance  once  given,  the  malice  of  these 
calvinists  was  exposed  in  all  its  nakedness;  for  they 
immediately  loaded  every  part  of  the  ship  not  only 
with  merchandi.se,  but  with  all  kinds  of  goods,  never 
dreaming  that  the  catholics  would  be  able  to  find  the 
means  of  paying  for  all  these  things. 

At  this  news,  the  marchioness  de  Guercheville,  first 
lady  of  honor  to  the  Queen,  [7]  was  indignant  at  seeing 
the  forces  of  hell  prevail,  and  the  malice  of  wicked 
men  destroy  one's  strong  hopes  of  .securing  the  glory 
of  God.*^  Therefore,  in  order  to  prevent  the  triumph 
of  Satan  and  the  overthrow  of  their  hopes  of  founding 
a  church  in  Canada,  she  herself  solicited  alms  from 
Nobles,  Princes,  and  from  all  the  Court,  to  rescue  the 
Jesuits  from  the  malevolence  of  the  heretics. 

What  happened  ?  The  ship,  already  loaded,  was 
about  to  sail,  when  this  lady  sent  to  the  catholics 
4,000  livres,  with  other  means  of  assistance.  Then, 
not  to  be  underhand,  they  go  directly  to  the  heretics 
and  say  that  they  want  the  Jesuits  to  go  with  them. 


.1 


m 


186 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Voi..  I 


:,^ 


ment  aux  h<?r^tiques  qii'ils  veulent  avoir  avec  eux  les 
J^suites,  que  telle  est  la  volont^  de  la  Reine,  et  que, 
par  eonsequent,  il  faut  qu'ils  les  laissent  monter  dans 
le  vaisseaii,  ou  bien  que  les  marehands  acceptent  le 
prix  de  la  cargaison  et  qu'ils  se  retirent.  Ceux-ci 
d^clarent  qu'ils  veulent  le  prix  de  leurs  marchandises 
(Je  crois  qu'ils  ne  pensaient  pas  que  les  catholiques 
eussent  assez  d 'argent,  ou  qu'ils  esperaient  trouver 
quelque  autre  moyen  de  dejouer  leurs  projets).  On 
leur  donne  le  prix  demande,  et  ce  h.  quoi  personne  ne 
se  serait  attendu,  nous  sommes  si  pleinement  substi- 
tu^s  k  leur  plaee,  que  la  moiti^  du  batiment  nous  ap- 
partient,  et  que  nous  avons  d^jk  ce  qu'il  faut  pour 
commencer  [8]  cette  fondation  que  le  Seigneur  dai- 
gnera  benir  dans  vSa  g^nerosite  et  dans  .sa  bont6. 

Ainsi  done,  mon  Trfes- Reverend  et  bon  Pere,  Votre 
Paternity  voit  combien  la  malice  du  demon  et  de  ses 
suppots  a  tourne  k  notre  avantage.  Nous  ne  deman- 
dions  d'abord  qu'un  petit  coin  dans  ce  vaisseau,  et  k 
prix  d'argent ;  maintenant  nous  y  sommes  les  maitres. 
Nous  allions  dans  une  region  deserte,  sans  grande 
esperance  d'un  secours  de  longue  duree,  et  nous  re- 
cevons  deja  le  commencement  de  la  fondation.  Nous 
6tions  forces  d'enrichir  les  h^retiques  d'une  partie  de 
nos  aumones,  et  maintenant  ils  renoncent  d'eux- 
memes  k  profiter  d'une  occasion  qui  les  devait  en- 
richir. 

Mais  je  crois  que  le  grand  sujet  de  leur  douleur, 
c'est  precisement  le  triomphe  du  vSeigneur  J^sus;  et 
fasse  le  ciel  qu'il  triomphe  toujours!     Ainsi  soit-ill 

Dieppe,  le  21  janvier  161 1. 

De  Votre  Paternite 

Le  fils  en  Jesus-Christ  et  le  serviteur  indigne, 

Pierre  BIARD  S.J. 


1«10-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


137 


that  such  is  the  will  of  the  Queen ;  and  so  conse- 
quently they  must  allow  them  to  embark,  or  else  the 
merchants  must  accept  the  price  of  the  cargo  and 
withdraw.  The  latter  declare  that  they  want  the 
value  of  their  merchandise.  (I  believe  they  did  not 
think  the  catholics  would  have  enough  money,  or 
else  they  hoped  to  baffle  them  by  some  other  means.) 
They  give  them  the  price  they  asked;  and,  what  no 
one  could  have  expected,  we  so  completely  take  their 
place,  that  half  the  ship  belongs  to  us,  and  we  have 
already  means  enough  to  begin  [8]  laying  the  founda- 
tion, which  the  Lord,  in  his  generosity  and  goodness, 
will  condescend  to  bless. 

So  now,  my  Very  Reverend  and  good  Father,  you 
see  how  entirely  the  malice  of  the  evil  one  and  of  his 
tools  has  been  turned  to  our  advantage.  At  first  we 
only  asked  a  little  corner  in  this  vessel  at  their  price. 
Now  we  are  masters  of  it.  We  were  going  into  a 
dreary  wilderness,  without  much  hope  of  permanent 
help ;  and  we  have  already  received  enough  to  begin 
laying  the  foundation.  We  were  to  enrich  the  here- 
tics by  a  portion  of  our  alms;  and  now  they,  of  their 
own  accord,  refuse  to  profit  by  an  occasion  which  was 
to  benefit  them. 

But  I  believe  that  the  great  source  of  their  grief, 
is  nothing  else  than  the  triumph  of  the  Lord  Jesus ; 
and  may  heaven  grant  that  he  always  triumph  ! 
Amen  ! 

Dieppe,  January  2  1,  i6ii. 

Of  Your  Reverence, 

The  son  and  unworthy  servant  in  Jesus  Christ, 

Pierre  BIARD  S.  J. 


ii' 


i4 


m 


LES  KKLATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol..  1 


} 


I 


H 


l9l     Lettre  du   P.   Biard,  au    R.    P.   Christophe 

Baltazar,  Provincial  de  France 

a  Paris. 

{Copidv  sur  I'tiutOfiraphe  conservif  au.x  Art /lives  tin 
/6.1US  tl  Rome. ) 

MoN  Rkvereni)  Pkkk, 
Pax  Christi. 
Enfin,  par  la  grace  et  faveur  de  Dieu,  nous 
voicy  arrivez  k  Port- Royal,  lieu  tant  desire,  et  apres 
avoir  paty  et  surmonte,  pendant  I'espace  de  sept  mois, 
force  contradictions  et  traverses,  que  nous  susciterent 
^  Dieppe  quelques-uns  de  la  pretendue  religion,  et 
sur  mer,  les  fatigues,  orages  et  tourmentes  de  I'hy- 
ver,  des  vents  et  des  tempestes.  Par  la  misericorde 
de  Dieu  et  par  les  prieres  de  Vostre  Reverence  et  de 
nos  bons  Peres  et  Freres,  nous  voicy  au  bout  de  nostre 
course,  et  au  lieu  tant  souhaite  Voicy  aussi  la  premiere 
commodite  qui  se  presente  pour  escrire  a  Vostre 
Reverence,  et  lui  faire  syavoir  de  nos  nouvelles  et  de 
I'estat  auqiiel  nous  nous  retrouvons.  Je  suis  marry 
que  le  peu  de  temps  de  nostre  arrivee  en  ce  pays  ne 
me  permette  pas  d'en  discourir,  et  comme  je  desir- 
erois  |  lo]  plus  amplement,  et  de  I'estat  de  cette 
pauvre  nation;  neantmoins  je  m'efforceray  de  vous 
descrire  non-seulement  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  nostre 
voyage,  mais  av^sy  tout  ce  qu'avons  peu  apprendre 
de  ce  peuple  depuis  que  nous  y  sommes,  selon  (luc 
je  penfe,  tous  nos  bons  seigneurs  et  amis  avec  Vostre 
Reverence  (doivent)  I'attendre  et  le  desire* 


^,.      M 


1«10-13] 


THi:  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


130 


[9]    Letter  from  Father  Biard,  to  Reverend  Father 

Christopher  Baltazar,  Provincial 

of  France,  at  Paris. 

{Copied from  I  he  autoi^raph  preser^'ed  in  the  Arehines 
of  Jesus,  at  Home). 

MY  Rkvkrem)  Father, 
The  peace  of  Christ  be  with  you.  * 
At  last  by  the  grace  and  favor  of  God,  here  we 
are  at  Port  Royal,  the  place  so  greatly  desired,  after 
having  suffered  and  overcome,  during  the  space  of 
seven  months,  a  multitude  of  trials  and  difficulties 
raised  up  against  us  at  Dieppe  by  those  belonging  to 
the  pretended  religion ;  and  after  having  survived  at 
sea  the  fatigues,  storms,  and  discomforts  of  winter, 
winds,  and  tempests.  By  the  mercy  of  God,  and 
through  the  prayers  of  Your  Reverence  and  of  our  good 
Fathers  and  Brothers,  here  we  are  at  the  end  of  our 
journey  and  in  the  long-wished-for  place.  And  I  am 
now  taking  the  first  opportunity  which  presents  itself 
to  write  to  Your  Reverence,  and  to  communicate  to  you 
news  of  ourselves  and  of  our  present  situation.  I  am 
sorry  that  the  short  time  we  have  been  in  this  coun- 
try does  not  permit  me  to  write  about  it  at  length,  as  I 
was  desirous  [10]  of  doing,  and  about  the  condition  of 
these  poor  people ;  however,  I  will  try  to  describe  to 
you  not  only  what  happened  in  our  voyage,  but  also 
all  that  we  have  been  able  to  learn  of  these  peoples 
since  our  arrival,  as  I  believe  all  our  good  noblemen 
and  friends,  as  well  as  Your  Reverence,  expect  and 
desire  me  to  do. 


'■\\ 


^\ 


^v<  j 


140 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


Et,  pour  commencer  par  le  preparatif  de  nostre 
voyage,  Vostre  Reverence  aura  seen  I'eflfort  que  firent 
deux  marchants  de  Dieppe  de  la  religion  pretendue, 
qui  avoient  charge  de  fretter  le  navire,  pour  empes- 
cher  que  n'y  fussions  regus.  II  y  avoit  jk  quelques 
arnees  que  ceux  qui  avoient  commence  et  continue  le 
voyage  de  Canada,  avoient  desir^  quelques  uns  de 
nostre  Compagnie  pour  s'employer  a  la  conversion 
de  ce  peuple  Ik;  et  le  feu  Roy  d'heureuse  memoire 
Henry  le  Grand  avoit  assigne  cinq  cents  escus  pour 
le  voyage  des  premiers  qui  y  seroient  envoj'-es,  quand 
le  R.  P.  Enmond  Masse  et  moy,  deputes  pour  ce  voy- 
age, aprfes  avoir  salue  la  Reyne  Regente,  entendu  de 
sa  propre  bouchc  le  sain,  zele  qu'elle  avoit  de  la  con- 
version de  ces  peuples  barbares,  reyu  les  susdicts  cinq 
cents  escus  pour  nostre  viatique,  ayd^s  aussi  de  la 
pieuse  liberalite  de  Mesdames  les  Marquises  de  Guer- 
cheville,  Verneuil  et  de  Sourdis,  partis  de  Paris, 
arrivasmcs  a  Dieppe  au  jour  que  nous  avait  assign^ 
[i  i]  Monsieur  de  Biancourt,  fils  de  Monsieur  ri^  Po- 
trincourt,  pour  nous  y  prendre,  sgavoir  le  27  d'Oc- 
tobre  16 10. 

Les  fleux  susdicts  marchants,  aussitost  qu'ils 
ouirent  que  deux  lesuites  debvoient  aller  au  Canada, 
s'adresserent  h  Monsieur  de  Biancourt^  et  luy  denon- 
cerent  que  A  lesdicts  lesuites  entroient  au  navire,  ils 
n'y  vouloient  rien  avc^r.  On  leur  respondit  que  la 
venue  des  lesuites  ne  leur  nuyroit  en  rien;  que,  Dieu 
mercy  et  la  Reyne,  ils  avoient  moyen  de  payer  leur 
pension  sans  grever  aucunement  leur  fret.     Ils  per- 

'  Charles  de  Biencourt,  ecuyer,  sieur  de  Saint-Just  et  fils  de  M.  de 
Poutrincourt.  II  etait  alors  fige  de  Jix-neuf  on  vingt  ans.  {Lcscar- 
bot  et  ChmHplain. ) 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


141 


So,  to  be^in  with  the  preparations  for  our  voyage, 
Your  Reverence  must  know  about  the  effort  put  forth 
by  two  Dieppe  merchants  of  the  pretended  religion, 
who  were  charged  with  freighting  the  ship,  to  pre- 
vent our  being  received  upon  it.  For  a  number  of 
years  past,  those  who  began  and  continued  to  make 
voyages  to  Canada  have  wished  some  of  our  Society 
to  be  employed  for  the  conversion  of  the  people  of 
that  country ;  and  Henry  the  Great,  the  late  King,  of 
happy  memory,  had  set  aside  five  hundred  ecus**  for 
the  voyage  of  the  first  ones  who  should  be  sent 
there :  at  this  time  Reverend  Father  Enmond  Masse 
and  I,  chosen  for  this  mission,  after  having  saluted 
the  Queen  Regent  and  learned  from  her  own  utter- 
ances the  holy  zeal  which  she  felt  for  the  conversion 
of  this  barbarous  people,  and  having  received  the 
above-mentioned  five  hundred  ecus  for  our  viati- 
cum,•''^  aided  also  by  the  pious  liberality  of  the 
Marchionesses  de  Guercheville,  Verneuil,  and  de 
Sourdis,'^"  left  Paris  and  arrived  at  Dieppe  upon  the 
day  which  [ii]  Monsieur  de  Biancourt,  vSon  of  Mon- 
vSieur  de  Potrincourt,  had  designated  for  our  de- 
parture, the  27th  of  October,  16 10. 

The  two  above-mentioned  merchants,  as  soon  as 
they  heard  that  two  Jesuits  were  going  to  Canada,  ad- 
dressed themselves  to  Monsieur  de  Biancourt  *  and 
warned  him  that,  if  the  said  Jesuits  intended  to  em- 
bark upon  the  ship,  they  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  it:  they  were  told  that  the  presence  of  the 
Jesuits  would  in  no  wise  interfere  with  them ;  that, 
thanks  to  God  and  the  Queen,  thev  had  the  monev 


'■■\ 


%  m 


V. 


"  Charles  de  Biencourt,  esquire,  sieur  de  Saiiil-Just  and  son  of 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt.  He  was  then  nineteen  or  twenty  years 
old.     {Lescarlwt  s\nA  Chnmplain.)  —  [Carayon.] 


%m\ 


T"^;  1*  P 


I    ■ 
I'. 


142 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vui..  1 


si:5tent  toute  fois  en  leur  negative ;  et  quoyque  Mon- 
sieur de  Sicoine,  gouverneur  de  la  ville,  fort  zele 
catholique,  s'en  entremeslast  de  bonne  affection,  si 
ne  put-il  rien  obteniv  d'eiix.  A  cette  cause,  Monsieur 
Robbin'-^,  le  fils,  autrement  de  Coloigne,  associe  avec 
Monsieur  de  Biancourt  pour  le  voyage,  se  delibera 
d'aller  en  Cour  et  declarer  k  la  Reyne  cet  accroche- 
ment;  ce  qu'il  iit.  La  Reyne  sur  cela  donna  lettres 
addressantes  a  Monsieur  de  Sicoigne,  "k  ce  qu'il  eust 
"k  declarer  la  volonte  du  Roy  k  present  regnant,  etre 
telle,  et  avoir  pareillement  [12]  este  telle  celle  du 
feu  Roy  d'eternelle  memoire,  que  lesdicts  lesuites 
allent  en  Canada ;  et  par  ainsy  entendissent  les  con- 
trariants  sur  ce  fait,  qu'ils  se  trouveroient  en  opposi- 
tion contre  le  bon  plaisir  de  leur  Prince.  Les  lettres 
estoient  fort  affectueuses ;  et  plut  a  Monsieur  de  vSi- 
coigne  de  mander  k  soy  tout  le  consistoire,  et  leur  en 
faire  lecture.  vSi  est-ce  que  pour  tout  cela,  les  mar- 
chants  sus  mentionnes  ne  voulurent  en  rien  demordre ; 
seulement  fut  accorde  que,  laissant  a  part  la  question 
des  lesuites,  on  chargeroit  promptement  le  vaisseau, 
de  peur  que  cet  cmbarras  et  dispute  n'apportast  du 
retardement  au  secours  qui  promptement  debvoit 
estre  donne  "k  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt. 

Lors  je  pensois  bien  quasi  t(/Utes  nos  attentes  estre 
mises  au  rouet,  et  ne  sgavcis  quelle  clef  nous  en 
pourroit  assez  desgager.  Mais  Monsieur  de  Coloigne 
ne  desespera  point;  ains,  st;  montrant  de  sa  grace 
toujours  plus  ardent  a  poursuivre  pour  nous,  fit  en- 
tendre en  Cour,  par  un  second  voyage  qu'il  fit,  y 
avoir  bien  moyen  de  debouter  les  susdits  marchants, 

'^  Thomas  Robin,  ecuyer,  sieur  de  Cologne,  demeurant  en  la  ville 
de  Paris.     {Lcscarbot.) 


I' 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


14» 


if! 


to  pay  their  passage  without  in  the  least  disturbing 
their  cargo.  They  still  persisted,  however,  in  their 
refusal ;  and  although  Monsieur  de  Sicoine,  governor 
of  the  city,  a  very  zealous  catholic,  kindly  interposed, 
he  could  gain  nothing  from  them.  For  this  reason. 
Monsieur  Robbin,f  his  .son,  otherwise  called  de  Co- 
loigne,'^"  a  partner  of  Monsieur  de  Biancourt  in  this 
voyage,  thought  he  would  go  to  Court  and  make 
known  this  difficulty  to  the  Queen ;  he  did  so.  The 
Queen,  thereupon,  sent  letters  addressed  to  Monsieur 
de  Sicoigne,  telling  him  to  announce  that  the  will  of 
the  present  King,  as  well  as  [12]  that  of  the  late  King 
of  eternal  memory,  was  that  these  Jesuits  should  go 
to  Canada ;  and  that  those  who  were  opposing  their 
departure  were  doing  so  against  the  will  of  their 
Prince.  The  letters  were  very  kind:  and  Monsieur 
de  Sicoigne  was  pleased  to  assemble  the  consistory, 
and  read  them  to  that  body.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  the  merchants  would  not  yield  in  the  least :  it 
was  merely  granted  that,  leaving  the  Jesuits  out  of 
the  question,  they  should  promptly  load  their  ship, 
lest  these  perplexities  and  disputes  should  cause 
some  delay  in  bringing  the  succor  to  Monsieur  de 
Potrincourt,  which  must  be  given  promptly.  Then 
I  almost  made  up  my  mind  that  all  our  hopes  were 
doomed  to  disappointment,  for  I  did  not  see  how  we 
were  to  be  extricated  from  these  difficulties.  Mon- 
sieur de  Coloigne  did  not  despair ;  but,  showing  him- 
self in  his  kindness  always  more  eager  to  pursue  the 
case  for  us,  by  a  .second  journey  he  convinced  the 
Court  of  an  excellent  plan  for  thwarting  the  mer- 
chants; namely,  by  paying  them  for  their  cargo,  and 


li 


i-*;! 


\  Thomas  Robin,  esquire,  sieur  de  Cologne,  living  in  the  city  of 
Paris.     ( Lc  scar  hot. ) —  [Carayon.  ] 


144 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JJ>SUITES  [Vol..  1 


I 


r 


\ 


syavoir  est,  en  leur  payant  leur  marchandise,  et  ainsi 
les  dedommageant.  Madame  de  la  Guercheville, 
dame  de  grande  vertu,  recognoissant  cet  exp(!dient, 
et  jugeant  n'estre  convenable  ^  la  piete  de  la  cour  que 
pour  si  pen  iin  oeuvre  de  Dieu  fust  arreste,  et  satan 
en  eust  ainsi  le  [13]  dessus,  se  delibera  de  faire  un 
queste  pour  mettre  ensemble  la  somme  de  deniers 
rcquise,  et  le  fist  avec  telle  diligence  et  si  heureuse- 
ment,  par  la  pieuse  liberalite  de  plusieurs  des  Sei- 
gneurs et  Dames  de  la  cour,  qu'elle  assembla  bientost 
quatre  mil  livres,  et  les  envoya  k  Dieppe.  Ainsy  les- 
dits  marchants  furent  exclus  de  tout  le  droict  qu'ils 
eussent  pu  avoir  sur  le  vaisseau,  sans  rien  perdre,  et 
nous  y  fusmes  introduits. 

Cet  affaire  et  plusieurs  autres  qui  survinrent  dans 
I'aprest  de  nostre  voyage,  furent  cause  que  ne  pusmes 
partir  de  Dieppe  avant  le  26  Janvier  161 1.  Monsieur 
de  Biancourt,  jeune  seigneur  fort  accomply  et  expert 
en  la  maryne,  estoit  nostre  conducteur,  et  chef  du 
vaisseau.  Nous  estions  36  personnes  dans  un  navire 
appele  la  Grace  dc  Dteu,  d' environ  soixante  tonneaux. 
Nous  n'eusmes  que  deux  jours  de  bon  vent;  au  troi- 
siesme,  nous  nous  vismes  subitement,  par  un  vent  et 
marees  contraires,  emportes  jusques  a  cent  ou  deux 
cents  pas  des  esquillons  I'isle  d'Wytht,  en  Angle- 
terre ;  et  bien  nous  en  print  que  nous  y  rencontravSmes 
bon  ancrage;  sans  cela  resoluement  c'estoit  faict  de 
nous. 

Eschappes  de  la,  nous  relaschasmes  a  Hyrmice  et 
depuis  a  Nieport  ;  en  quoy  nous  consumasmes  iS 
jours.  Le  16  de  fevrier,  premier  jour  de  caresme, 
[14J  un  bon  norouests'elevant,  nous  donna  moyen  de 
partir,  et  nous  accompagna  jusques  hors  de  la  Manclie. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


145 


thus  indemnifying  them,  Madame  de  la  Guerche- 
ville,  a  lady  of  great  virtue,  recognizing  the  expedi- 
ency of  this  plan,  and  deeming  it  inconsistent  with 
real  piety  to  allow  a  f  >  <dly  work  to  be  checked  for  such 
a  trifle,  and  thus  [13]  that  satan  should  be  permitted 
to  triumph,  determined  to  try  and  raise  the  sum  of 
money  required ;  and  she  did  so  with  such  diligence 
and  success,  through  the  pious  generosity  of  several 
Noblemen  and  Ladies  of  the  court,  that  she  soon  col- 
lected four  thousand  livres  and  sent  them  to  Dieppe. 
Thus  the  merchants  were  deprived  of  all  the  rights 
which  they  might  have  had  in  the  vessel,  without 
losing  anything,  and  we  were  admitted  into  it. 

This,  and  other  incidents  interfering  with  the 
preparations  for  our  voyage,  were  the  reasons  why 
we  could  not  leave  Dieppe  before  the  26th  of  January, 
161 1.  Monsieur  de  Biancourt,  a  very  accomplished 
young  gentleman,  and  well  versed  in  matters  pertain- 
ing to  the  sea,  was  our  leader  and  commander.  There 
were  thirty-six  of  us  in  the  ship,  which  was  called 
la  Grace  dc  Dieu,  of  about  sixty  tons  burden.  We 
had  only  two  days  of  favorable  winds ;  on  the  third 
day  we  suddenly  found  ourselves  carried,  by  contrary 
winds  and  tides,  to  within  a  hundred  or  two  hundred 
paces  of  the  breakers  of  the  isle  of  Wight,  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  it  was  fortunate  for  us  that  we  found  good 
anchorage  there,  for  otherwise  we  certainly  should 
have  been  lost. 

Leaving  this  place  we  put  into  port  at  Hyrmice, 
and  then  at  Newport;  by  which  we  lost  eighteen 
days.  The  i6th  of  February,  first  day  of  lent,  [14] 
a  good  northwester  arising  allowed  us  to  depart,  and 
accompanied  us  out  of  the  English  Channel.  Now 
mariners,  in   coming  to   Port   Royal,   are   not  accus- 


li 


«>'.llii 


'If  I 


.^IJ 


lil 


1-!,% 


I, 


14(> 


LES  RELATIONS  DBS  JESUITES  [Vol.  1 


) 


II 


:> 


•I 


Ors  ont  accoiistume  les  mariniers,  venant  ^  Port- 
Royal,  de  ne  point  prendre  la  droite  route  des  isles 
Ouessants  jnsqu'aii  Cap  de  Sable,  ce  qui  abregeroit 
beaucoiip  le  chemin;  ear  en  eette  fayon,  de  Dieppe  a 
Port-Royal,  n'y  auroit  qu'envdron  mil  lieues  ;  ains 
leiir  cousttime  est  de  descendre  vers  le  Sud  jusqu'aux 
Agores,  et  de  Ik  tirer  an  grand  bane,  pour  du  grand 
banc,  selon  que  les  vents  se  presentent,  viser  au  Cap 
de  Sable,  ou  bien  k  Campseaux,  ou  bien  autre  part, 
lis  m'ont  diet  que  pour  trois  raisons  ils  descendent 
ainsi  aux  Agores:  la  premiere  pour  esviter  la  mer  du 
nort,  qui  est  fort  haute,  disent-ils;  la  seconde,  pour 
s'ayder  des  vents  du  sud,  qui  volontiers  reignent  le 
plus ;  la  troisiesme,  pour  assurer  leur  estime :  autre- 
ment  il  est  difficile  qu'ils  se  recognoissent  et  dressent 
leur  voyage  sans  erreur.  Mais  nulle  de  cos  causes  a 
eu  effet  quant  k  nous,  qui  neantmoins  avons  suivy 
cette  coustume  :  non  la  premiere,  parce  que  nous 
avons  experimente  tant  de  tempestes  et  la  mer  si  rude, 
que  je  ne  pense  pas  y  avoir  beaucoup  de  gain,  nort 
ou  sud,  sud  ou  nort;  non  la  seconde,  parce  que  sou- 
vent,  quand  nous  voulions  le  Sud,  le  Nort  soulfloit, 
et  k  retours;  non  enfin  la  troisiesme,  d'autant  que 
nous  ne  pusmes  point  voir  ces  Agores,  quoyque  nous 
fussions  [15]  descendus  jusqu'k  39  degres  et  demy. 
Ainsi  toute  I'estime  de  nos  conducteurs  s'embroiiilla, 
et  nous  n'estions  pas  encore  aux  Agores  du  grand 
banc,  quand  quelques-uns  opinoient  que  nous  I'eus- 
sions  desja  passe. 

Le  grand  banc  aux  mollies  n'est  pas,  comme  j'es- 
timois  en  France,  quelque  banc  de  sablon  ou  terre 
qui  apparoisse  hors  de  la  mer,  ains  est  une  grande 
lisiere  de  terre  soubs  I'eau  k  35,  40  et  45  brasses, 
large  en  quelques  endroits  de  25  lieues.  On  I'appelle 
banc,  parce  que  c'est  Ik  premierement  oil  venant  des 


1010-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


147 


tomed  to  take  the  direct  route  from  the  Ouessant 
islands  to  Cape  Sable,  which  would  lessen  the  dis- 
tance, for  in  this  way,  from  Dieppe  to  Port  Royal, 
there  would  only  be  about  one  thousand  leagues ;  but 
they  are  in  the  habit  of  going  South  as  far  as  the 
Azores,  and  from  there  to  the  great  bank,  thence, 
according  to  the  winds,  to  strike  for  Cape  Sable,  or 
Campseaux,  or  elsewhere.  They  have  told  me  that 
they  go  by  way  of  the  Azores  for  three  reasons :  first, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  north  sea,  which  is  very 
stormy,  they  say ;  second,  to  make  use  of  the  south 
winds,  which  usu£:lly  prevail  there;  third,  to  be  sure 
of  their  reckonings;  for  otherwise  it  is  difficult  to 
take  their  bearings  and  arrange  their  route  without 
error.  But  none  of  these  causes  affected  us,  although 
we  followed  this  custom.  Not  the  first,  for  we  were 
.so  tossed  about  by  tempests  and  high  seas,  that  I  do 
not  think  we  gained  much  by  going  north  or  south, 
south  or  north  ;  nor  the  second,  because  often  when 
we  wanted  the  South,  the  North  wind  blew,  and  vice 
versa;  and  certainly  not  the  third,  inasmuch  as  we 
could  not  even  see  the  Azores,  although  we  went 
[15]  down  as  far  as  39°  30'.  Thus  all  the  calculations 
of  our  leaders  were  confounded,  and  we  had  not  yet 
reached  the  Azores  of  the  great  bank  when  some  of 
them  thought  we  had  pa.ssed  it.'^^ 

The  great  codfish  bank  is  not,  as  I  thought  in 
France,  a  kind  of  sand  or  mud-bank,  appearing  above 
the  surface  of  the  sea ;  but  is  a  great  sub-marine  pla- 
teau 35,  40  and  45  fathoms  deep,  and  in  some  places 
twenty-five  leagues  in  extent.  They  call  it  bank, 
because,  in  coming  from  the  deep  sea,  it  is  the  first 
place  where  bottom  is  found  with  the  .sounding  lead. 
Now  upon  the  border  of  this  great  bank,  for  the 
space  of  three  or  four  leagues,  the  waves  are  generally 


fi 


m 


'r  i 


m  m  \\ 


>';■'' 


148 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITKS  [Vol.  1 


abismes  de  1' ocean,  Ton  trouve  terre  avec  la  sonde. 
Or,  sur  le  bord  de  ce  grand  banc,  les  vagues  sont 
d 'ordinaire  fort  furieiises  trois  ou  quatre  lieues  dii- 
rant,  et  ces  trois  ou  quatre  lieues  on  appelle  les 
Ayores. 

Nous  estions  environ  ces  Ayores  le  mardy  de 
Pasques,  quand  nous  voicy  en  proue  notre  ennemy 
conjure,  I'Ouest,  avec  telle  lurie  et  opiniastrete,  que 
peu  s'en  fallut  que  nous  ne  perissions.  De  huict 
jours  entiers,  il  ne  nous  donna  relasche,  adjoustant  a 
sa  malice  le  froid  et  souvent  la  pluie  ou  la  neige. 

Naviger  en  ce  traject  de  la  Nouvelle-France,  si 
dangereux  et  si  aspre,  principalement  en  petits  vais- 
seaux  et  mal  munitionnez,  est  un  sommaire  de  toutes 
les  miseres  de  la  vie  Nousn'avions  repos  ni  [i6]  jour 
ni  nuict.  Si  nous  pensions  prendre  nostre  refection, 
nostre  plat  subitement  eschappoit  contre  la  tete  de 
quelqu'un  ;  un  autre  tomboit  sour  nous,  et  nous 
contre  quelque  coffre,  et  tourneboulions  avec  d'autres 
pareillement  renversez;  nostre  tasse  se  versoit  sur 
nostre  lict,  et  le  bidon  dans  nostre  seing,  ou  bien  un 
coup  de  mer  mandoit  nostre  plat. 

Monsieur  de  Biancourt  m'honoroit  de  tant,  que  je 
couchois  dans  sa  chambre.  Une  belle  nuict  ainsy 
qu'estant  au  lict  nous  pensions  prendre  quelque  re- 
pos, voicy  qu'un  gentil  et  hardy  coup  de  mer  qui 
faussa  les  fermetures  de  la  fenestre,  la  rompt  et  nous 
vient  couvrir  bien  hautement ;  autant  en  eusmes  nous 
une  autre  fois  de  jour.  En  outre,  le  froid  estoit  si 
violent,  et  I'a  este  plus  de  six  semaines  durant,  qu'^ 
peine  nous  sentions  nous  d'engourdissement  et  de  gel. 
Le  bon  Pere  Masse  a  pati  beaucoup.  II  a  demeure 
quelques  quarante  jours  malade  sans  manger  que  bien 
peu,   et  quasi  sans  bouger  du  lict;   encore  vouloit-il 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


140 


very  high,  and  these  three  or  four  leagues  are  called 
the  Azores. 

"We  were  near  these  Azores  on  Tuesday  of  Easter 
week,  when  suddenly  we  became  a  prey  to  our 
sworn  foe,  the  West  wind,  which  was  so  violent  and 
obstinate  that  we  very  nearly  perished.  For  eight 
entire  days  it  gave  us  no  quarter,  its  vindictiveness 
being  augmented  by  cold  and  sometimes  rain  or  snow. 

In  taking  this  route  to  New  France,  so  rough  and 
dangerous,  especially  in  small  and  badly-equipped 
boats,  one  experiences  the  sum  total  of  all  the  miseries 
of  life.  We  could  rest  neither  [i6]  day  nor  night. 
When  we  wished  to  eat,  a  dish  suddenly  slipped  from 
us  and  struck  somebody's  head.  We  fell  over  each 
other  and  against  the  baggage,  and  thus  found  our- 
selves mixed  up  with  others  who  had  been  upvSet  in 
the  same  way ;  cups  were  spilled  over  our  beds,  and 
bowls  in  our  laps,  or  a  big  wave  demanded  our 
plates. 

I  was  so  highly  honored  by  Monsieur  de  Biancourt 
as  to  share  his  cabin.  One  fine  night,  as  we  were 
lying  in  bed,  trying  to  get  a  little  rest,  a  neat  and  im- 
pudent wave  bent  our  window  fastenings,  broke  the 
window,  and  covered  us  over  completely ;  we  had  the 
same  experience  again,  during  the  day.  Further- 
more, the  cold  was  so  severe,  and  continued  to  be  for 
more  than  six  weeks,  that  we  lost  nearly  all  sensa- 
tion from  numbness  and  exposure.  Good  Father 
Masse  suffered  a  great  deal.*'*  He  was  ill  about  forty 
days,  eating  very  little  and  seldom  leaving  his  bed  ; 
yet,  notwithstanding  all  that,  he  wanted  to  fast. 
After  Easter  he  continued  to  improve,  thauK  God, 
more  and  more.  As  for  me,  I  was  gay  and  happy, 
and,  by  the  grace  of  God,  was  never  ill  enough  to 


I 


11.'" 


1 


150 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


) 

w 


il  > 


I 


m 


jeusner  avec  tout  cela.  Aprfes  Pasque,  il  meliora 
tousjours,  Dieu  mercy  de  plus  en  plus.  Pour  moy, 
j'estois  gaillard,  quand  mesme  plusieurs  des  matelots 
se  rendoient,  et  la  Dieu  grace,  je  n'ay  jamais  tenu  le 
lict  pour  mal  que  j'eusse. 

Eschappes  des  tourmentes,  nous  entrasmes  dans  les 
glaces  sur  les  A9ores  du  banc,  degrez  du  nort  46. 
Aucunes  des  glaces  sembloient  des  isles,  autres  [17] 
des  petits  bourgs,  autres  des  grandes  (Sglises  ou  domes 
bien  haults,  ou  superbes  chasteaux:  toutes  flottoient. 
Pour  les  esviter,  nous  prismes  au  sud;  mais  ce  fut 
tomber,  comme  Ton  diet,  de  Charybdis  en  Sylla,  car 
de  ces  haults  rochers,  nous  tombasmes  en  un  pav6  de 
basse  glace,  la  mer  en  estant  toute  couverte  autant 
que  la  vue  pouvoit  porter.  Nous  ne  savions  en  pas- 
ser; et  n'eust  este  la  hardiesse  de  M.  de  Biancourt, 
nos  mariniers  demeuroient  sans  expedient;  mais  11 
fit  passer  outre,  non  obstant  le  murmure  de  plusieurs, 
par  oh.  la  glace  estoit  plus  rare,  et  Dieu,  par  sa  bont6, 
nous  assista. 

Le  5  de  may,  nous  descendismes  h.  Campceau,  et 
eusmes  le  moy  en  d'y  celebrer  la  sainte  messe  aprfes 
tant  de  temps,  et  nous  sustenter  de  ce  pain  qui  nourit 
sans  deffaut,  et  console  sans  fin.  Depuis,  nous  costoy- 
ames  terre  jusqu'k  Port-Royal,  et  y  sommes  arrives  k 
bons  et  heureux  auspices  le  saint  jour  de  Pencoste  de 
bon  matin,  sgavoir  est  le  22  de  may\  jour  auquel  le 
soleil  entre  dans  les  lumeaux.  Nostre  voyage  avoit 
dure  quatre  mois. 

II  n'est  possible  d'exprimer  I'ayse  que  re^urent  de 
nostre  arrivee  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  et  les  siens, 
lesquels,  durant  tout  cet  hyver,  se  trouverent  [18]  en 

'  Chaniplain  et  Charlevoix,  qui  I'a  copie,  mettent  k  tort  le  12  de 
juin. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


151 


stay  in  bed  even  when  several  of  the  sailors  had  to 
give  up. 

After  escaping  from  these  trials,  we  entered  the  ice 
at  the  Azores  of  the  bank,  46  degrees  north  latitude. 
Some  of  these  masses  of  ice  seemed  like  islands, 
others  [17]  little  villages,  others  grand  churches  or 
lofty  domes,  or  magnificent  castles:  all  were  float- 
ing. To  avoid  them  we  steered  towards  the  south ; 
but  this  was  falling,  as  they  say,  from  Charybdis 
into  Scylla,  for  from  these  high  rocks  we  fell  into  a 
level  field  of  low  ice,  vdth  which  the  sea  was  entirely 
covered,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  We  did  not 
know  how  to  steer  through  it;  and  had  it  not  been 
for  the  fearlessness  of  Monsieur  de  Biancourt,  our 
sailors  would  have  been  helpless ;  but  he  guided  us 
out,  notwithstanding  the  protests  of  many  of  them, 
through  a  place  where  the  ice  v/as  more  scattered, 
and  God,  in  his  goodness,  assisted  us. 

On  the  5th  of  May,  we  disembarked  at  Campceau,"*" 
and  there  had  the  opportunity  of  celebrating  holy 
mass  after  so  long  a  time,  and  of  strengthening  our- 
selves with  that  bread  which  never  fails  to  nourish 
and  console.  Then  we  coasted  along  until  we 
reached  Port  Royal,  where  we  arrived  under  good 
and  happy  auspices  early  in  the  morning"*^  of  the 
holy  day  of  Pentecost,  the  22nd  of  May,*  the  day 
upon  which  the  sun  enters  the  constellation  Gemini. 
Our  voyage  had  lasted  four  months. 

The  joy  of  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  and  his  fol- 
lowers, at  our  arrival,  is  indescribable.  They  had 
been,  during  the  entire  winter,  reduced  [18]  to  sore 
straits,  as  I  am  going  to  explain  to  you. 

*  Champlain  and  Charlevoix,  who   copied  this,   were    wrong  in 
saying  the  12th  of  June. —  [Carayon,] 


''1 


!i 


\ 


152 


LES  RELATIONS  DESJ^SUITES  [Voi..  1 


I, 


i 


de  trfes-grandes  necessit^s,  comme  je  vous  vais  de- 
clarer. 

Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  avoit  accompagn6  son  fils 
revenant  en  France  sur  la  fin  de  juillet  1610,  et  y 
estoit  venii  jUvSques  au  port  Saint  Iean\  autrement 
diet  Chachipp(j,  distant  du  Port- Royal  70  lieiies  est 
et  Slid.  Revenant  et  ayant  redouble  le  Cap  de  Sable, 
se  trouvant  en  la  baye  courante,  accabl^  de  fatigues, 
il  fut  contraint  de  ceder  le  gouvernail  pour  un  peu 
dormir,  donnant  mandement  h.  celuy  qui  succedoit  de 
suivre  toujours  terre,  jusqu'au  plus  profond  de  la 
Baye.  Ce  successeur,  ne  sgay  pourquoy,  ne  suyvit 
pas  le  commandement,  ains  peu  de  temps  apres  chan- 
gea,  et  abandonna  terre. 

Le  Sauvage  Membertou,  qui  suyvoit  dans  sa  cha- 
loupe,  fut  estonn^  de  cette  route;  neanmoins,  n'en 
S9acliant  pas  la  cause,  n'en  imita  pas  I'exemple,  et  si 
n'en  dit  rien.  Aussi  arriva-t-il  bientost  h.  Port- 
Royal,  1^  ou  M.  de  Potrincour  erra  par  six  semaines 
en  danger  de  se  perdre;  car  le  bon  seigneur,  s'estant 
esveille,  fut  bien  esbahy  de  se  veoir  en  pleine  mer,  h. 
perte  de  terre,  dans  une  chaloupe.  II  avait  beau 
regarder  son  cadran,  car  ne  sgachant  [19]  quelle  route 
son  gentil  gouverneur  avoit  tenu($,  il  ne  pouvoit  devi- 
ner  ni  ou  il  estoit,  ni  ou  il  convenoit  addresser.  Un 
autre  mal,  sa  chaloupe  ne  pouvoit  aller  k  la  boline'^, 
ayant  este,  ne  scay  comment,  bris^e  par  les  flancs. 
Ainsi,  voulust-il  ou  non,  il  estoit  necessite  h.  prendre 
toujours  vent  derriere. 

Un  tiers  inconvenient    et  grief:    ils  n'avoient  de 

'  Lescarbot  dit:  «  Son  pere  le  conduisit  jusque  au  port  de  la  Heve, 
k  cent  lieues  loin,  ou  environ  du  Port-Royal. »  Ce  qui  donnerait  d 
entendre  que  Chachippe,  Port  Saint-Jean  et  la  Heve  sont  une 
meme  chose. 

'  Aller  a  la  bouline,  c'est-a-dire  tenir  le  plus  pres  du  vent. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


IfiS 


Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  had  accompanied  his  son 
a  part  of  the  way  upon  the  hitter's  return  to  France 
the  last  of  July,  1610,  and  had  gone  as  far  as  port 
Saint  John,*  otherwise  called  Chachippi^','*'*  70  leagues 
east  and  south  of  Port  Royal,  When  he  was  return- 
ing, as  he  veered  around  Cape  Sable,  he  found  him- 
self in  a  strong  current ;  weakened  by  hardships,  he 
was  obliged  to  yield  the  helm,  in  order  to  take  a  little 
rest,  commanding  his  successor  to  always  keep  near 
the  shore,  even  in  the  deepest  part  of  the  Bay.  This 
pilot,  I  know  not  why,  did  not  follow  his  orders,  but 
soon  afterward  changed  his  course  and  left  the  shore. 

The  Savage,  Membertou,  who  was  following  in  his 
boat,  was  astonished  that  Poutrincourt  should  take 
this  route ;  but,  not  knowing  why  he  did  so,  neither 
followed  him  nor  said  anything  about  it.  So  he 
soon  arrived  at  Port  Royal,  while  Monsieur  de  Potrin- 
cour  drifted  about  for  six  weeks,  in  danger  of  being 
hopeleSvSly  lost;  for  this  worthy  gentleman,  when  he 
awoke,  was  very  much  surprised  at  seeing  himself 
in  a  small  boat  in  the  open  vSea,  out  of  sight  of 
land.  He  looked  at  his  dial  in  vain,  for  not  know- 
ing [19]  what  route  his  amiable  pilot  had  taken,  he 
could  not  guess  where  he  was,  nor  in  what  direction 
to  turn.  Another  misfortune  was  that  his  boat  would 
not  sail  on  a  bowline,**  having  been  somehow  dam- 
aged in  the  sides.  So,  whether  he  wished  to  do  so  or 
not,  he  was  always  obliged  to  sail  before  the  wind. 

A  third  inconvenience  and  misfortune  was  a  lack 
of  food.     However,  he  is  a  man  who  does  not  easily 

*  Lescarbot  says:  "  His  father  accompanied  him  as  far  as  port  de 
la  Heve,  a  hundred  leagues,  more  or  less,  from  Port  Royal."  This 
makes  it  appear  that  Chachippe,  Port  Saint  John,  and  la  Heve  are 
one  and  the  same  place. —  [Carayon.] 

**  To  sail  on  a  bowline  means  to  sail  close  to  the  wind. —  [Carayon.] 


I1 


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vivres.  N^antmoins,  c'est  une  homme  qui  ne  se  rend 
pas  facilement,  et  bonheur  I'accompa^ne.  Done,  en 
cette  perplexity  de  route,  il  se  determina  heureuse- 
ment  de  prendre  au  nord,  et  Dieu  lui  envoya  ce  qu'il 
souhaitoit,  un  favorable  Sud.  Contre  le  mal  de  la 
faim,  sa  prudence  luy  servit;  car  il  avoit  chassd  et 
gard6  certain  nombre  de  cormorans.''^  Mais  quel 
moyen  de  les  rotir  en  une  ciialoupe,  pour  les  manger 
et  garder?  De  bonne  fortune,  il  se  trouva  avoir  quel- 
que  planche,  sur  laquelle  il  dressa  un  foyer,  et  ainsi 
rotit  son  gibier,  h.  I'ayde  duquel  il  arriva  ^  Pente- 
gouet,  anciennement  la  Norembegue,  et  de  Ik  aux 
Etechemins,  puis  k  rembouscheure  du  Port-Royal, 
ou,  par  desastre,  il  pensa  faire  naufrage. 

II  faisoit  obscur  quand  il  s-  trouva  en  cette  entree, 
et  ses  gens  cominencerent  k  lai,  contredire,  [20]  niant 
assurement  que  ce  fust  Tembouscheure  du  Port- 
Royal.  Luy  oui't  volontiers  les  opinions  de  ses  gens, 
et  malheur  qu'encore  les  suyvit-il,  et  aynsi  prenant 
en  bas  de  la  Baye  Fran^oise,  il  s'en  alia  roder  bien 
loing  k  la  mercy  des  vents  et  des  marees.  Cependant 
ses  gens  estoient  bien  en  peine  au  Port- Royal,  et  jk 
quasi  tenoient-ils  pour  tout  assure  qu'il  fust  peri;  k 
cela  aydoit  le  sauvage  Membertou,  qui  affirmoit  luy 
avoir  veu  prendre  ver.=5  la  mer  k  perte  de  vue;  d'ou 
Ton  inferoit,  comme  i'on  croit  autant  facilement  ce 
que  Ton  craint  comme  ce  que  I'on  ayme,  que  puis- 
que  tels  ou  tels  vents  avoient  rcgne,  il  estoit  impos- 
sible qu'avcc  une  chaloupe,  il  eust  peti  eschapper. 
Et  jk  traitoit-on  du  retour  en  France.  Or  bien  esba- 
his,  et  ensemble  bien  joyeux  furent-ils,  quand  ils 
virent  leur  Thesee,  revenu  de  I'autre  monde;  ce  fut 

"^  Le  corinoran  est  un  oiseau  de  mer,  qui  a  le  cou  fort  long,  les 
pattes  tres-hautes,  et  qui  vit  de  poisson. 


"I 

■■■1 


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1610-13] 


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155 


give  Up,  and  <jood  luck  follows  him.  Now  in  this 
perplexity  about  the  route,  he  fortunately  decided  to 
turn  to  the  north,  and  God  sent  'lim  what  he  desired, 
a  favorable  South  wind.  His  thrift  served  him  against 
the  misfortune  of  hunger,  for  he  had  hunted  and  kept 
a  certain  number  of  cormorants. f  But  how  could 
they  be  roasted  in  a  small  boat,  so  as  to  be  eaten  and 
kept  ?  Fortunately  he  found  he  had  a  few  planks, 
upon  which  he  built  a  fire-place,  and  thus  roasted  the 
game ;  by  the  aid  of  whic.  he  arrived  at  Pentegouet, 
formerly  Norembegue,  and  from  there  to  the  Eteche- 
mins,  thence  to  the  harbor  of  Port  Royal,  where  by 
a  piece  of  ill  luck,  he  was  nearly  shipwrecked. 

It  was  dark  when  he  entered  this  harbor,  and  his 
crew  began  to  oppose  him,  stoutly  denying  [20j  that 
they  were  in  the  harbor  of  Port  Royal.  He  was  wilUng 
to  listen  to  their  objections,  and  unfortunately  even 
yielded  to  them ;  and  vSO  turning  to  the  lower  part  of 
French  Bay,  he  went  wandering  away  off  at  the  mercy 
of  the  winds  and  waves.  Meanwhile  the  colonists  of 
Port  Royal  were  in  great  anxiety,  and  had  already 
nearly  made  up  their  minds  that  he  was  lost ;  the  sav- 
age, Membertou,  strengthened  this  fear  by  assv-rting 
that  he  had  seen  him  sail  out  of  sight  upon  the  sea; 
whence  it  was  inferred,  since  people  believe  as  easily 
what  they  fear  as  what  they  favor,  that  as  such  and 
such  a  wind  had  prevailed,  it  was  impossible  for  iiem 
to  escape  in  such  a  boat.  And  they  ,,'e'^e  already 
planning  their  return  to  France.  Now  they  were 
greatly  astonished,  and  at  the  same  time  exceedingly 
happy  when  they  saw  their  Theseus  return  from  an- 
other world ;  this  was  six  weeks  after  his  departure, 

f  The  cormorant  is  a  long-necked,  high-stepping  sea-bird,  which 
lives  upon  fish. —  [Carayon.] 


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LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.  1 


'"■(  i 


six  semaines  apres  son  depart,  au  meme  temps  que 
M.  de  Biancourt  arrivoit  en  France,  le  retour  duquel 
estoit  attendii  ^  Port- Royal  pour  tout  Novembre  de 
la  meme  annee  1610.  Mais  on  fut  bien  estonn6, 
quand  non  seulement  on  ne  le  vit  pas  "k  Noel,  mais 
aussi  on  perdit  esp^rance,  "k  cause  de  I'hiver,  de  le  re- 
voir  avant  la  fin  d'apvril  ensuivant. 

Cette  fut  raison  pour  quoy  on  se  retrancha  de . 
vivres;  mais  ce  retranchement  profitoit  peu,  d'autant 
que  le  Sieur  de  Potrincourt  ne  rabattoit  rien  [21]  de 
ses  liberalites  vers  les  Sauvages,  craingnant  les 
aliener  de  la  foy  chrestienne.  C'est  un  seigneur  vray- 
ment  liberal  et  magnanime,  mesprisant  toute  recom- 
pense dcs  biens  qu'il  leur  fait;  de  maniere  que  les 
Sauvages,  quand  par  fois  on  leur  demande  pourquoy 
ils  ne  lui  redonnent  quelque  chose  pour  taut  de  .  jus 
qu'il  leur  faict,  ont  de  coustumes  de  respondre  mali- 
tieusement:  Endrics  ninan  mctaij  Sagamo :  c'est-k- 
dire.  Monsieur  ne  se  soucie  point  de  nos  poaux  de 
castor.  Neantmoins  ils  envoyoient  par  fois  quelques 
pieces  d'orignac,  qui  aydoyent  h,  tou jours  gagner  le 
temps.  Or,  bon  moyen  pour  espargner,  voicy  que, 
I'hyver  venu,  leur  moulin  se  glace,  et  n'y  avoit 
moycn  de  faire  farine.  Bon  pour  eux,  qu'ils  trou- 
verent  provision  de  pois  et  febves;  cette  fut  leur 
manne  et  ambroisie  sept  semaines  durant. 

\A  estoit  venu  Apvril,  mais  non  pas  le  navire,  et 
lors  le  moulin  eut  beau  se  glacer,  car  aussi  bien  n'y 
avoit-il  rien  pour  la  tremye.  Que  fera-on?  la  faim 
est  un  meschant  mal.  On  se  met  "k  pescher  sur  eau, 
et  fouiller  soubs  terre:  sur  eau,  on  eut  des  esplans  et 
du  liarang;  soubs  terre,  on  trouva  de  fort  bonnes  ra- 
cines,  qu'on  appelle  chiqucli,  et  abondent  fort  en  de 
cert'uns  endroits. 


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157 


just  when  Monsieur  de  Biancourt  arrived  in  France, 
whose  return  was  expected  at  Port  Royal  during  the 
whole  month  of  November  of  the  same  year,  1610. 
But  they  were  very  much  surprised  when  they  did 
not  see  him  at  Christmas;  then  they  lost  all  hope,  on 
account  of  the  winter  weather,  of  seeing  him  again 
before  the  end  of  the  following  April. 

For  this  reason  they  cut  down  their  rations ;  but 
such  economy  was  of  little  avail,  since  Sieur  de  Po- 
trincourt  did  not  lessen  [21]  his  liberality  toward  the 
Savages,  fearing  to  alienate  them  from  the  christian 
faith.  He  is  truly  a  liberal  and  magnanimr  us  gen- 
tleman, refusing  all  recompense  for  the  good  he  does 
them ;  so  when  they  are  occasionally  asked  why  they 
do  not  give  him  something  in  return  for  so  many 
favors,  they  are  accustomed  to  answer,  cunningly: 
Endries  ninan  metaij  Saganio,  that  is  to  say,  ' '  Monsieur 
does  not  care  for  our  beaver  skins."  Nevertheless, 
they  have  now  and  then  sent  him  some  pieces  of  elk- 
meat,  which  have  helped  him  to  gain  time  [i.e.,  to 
save  his  own  provisions].  But  they,  the  French,  had 
a  good  chance  of  economizing  when  winter  came,  for 
their  mill  froze  up,  and  they  had  no  way  of  making 
flour.  Happily  for  them  they  found  a  store  of  peas 
and  beans,  which  proved  to  be  their  manna  and  am- 
brosia for  seven  vreeks. 

Then  April  came,  but  not  the  ship;  now  it  was  just 
as  well  that  the  mill  was  frozen  up,  for  they  had 
nothing  to  put  in  the  hopper.  What  were  they  to  do? 
Hunger  is  a  bad  complaint.  Some  began  to  fish, 
ethers  to  dig.  From  their  lishing  they  obtained  some 
vsmelts  and  herrings;  from  their  digging  some  very 
good  roots,  called  cliiqucli,  which  are  very  abundant 
in  certain  places. 


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!,  ) 


K.  ' 


Ainsi  contentoit-on  aucunement  cet  importun  cre- 
diteur;  je  dis  aucunement  parce  que,  le  pain  leur 
[22]  manquant,  toute  autre  chose  leur  estoit  peu,  et 
jk  faisoit-on  estat  que,  si  le  navire  ne  venoit  pour 
tout  le  mois  de  may,  que  Ton  se  mettroit  par  la  coste 
en  recherche  de  quelques  navires,  pour  repasser  au 
doux  pays  de  froment  et  vignoble.  C'estoyent  les 
gens  de  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  qui  parloient  ainsi ; 
car  pour  luy,  il  avoit  le  courage,  et  si  sgavoit  bien 
les  moyens  de  faire  attendre  jusques  k  la  saint  lean. 
II  n'en  fut  pas  de  besoing,  Dieu  mercy,  car  comme 
diet  est,  nous  arrivasmes  le  22  de  may.  Or  si,  k 
cette  venue,  I'allegresse  de  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  et 
de  ceux  de  1' habitation  fut  grande,  ceux  \h  le  pour- 
ront  conjecturer,  qui  S9avent  ce  que  c'est  de  la  faim, 
du  desespoir,  de  la  crainte,  de  patir,  d'estre  pere, 
et  veoir  ses  entreprises  et  travaux  h  volleau. 

Nous  pleurasmes  tous  au  rencontre,  et  nous  esti- 
mions  quasi  songer;  puis,  quand  nous  fusmes  un  peu 
revenus  et  entrez  en  propos,  cette  question  fut  mise 
en  avant,  s9avoir:  mon  (de  vrai)  qui  estoit  le  plus 
ayse  des  deux,  ou  M.  de  Potrincourt  et  les  siens,  ou 
M.  de  Biancourt  et  nous.  De  vray,  nous  avions  bien 
tous  le  cceur  bien  cslargy,  et  Dieu,  par  sa  misericorde, 
donna  signe  d'y  prendre  plaisir;  car,  apres  la  messe 
et  le  disuer,  comme  ce  ne  fusse  qu'allee  et  venue  du 
navirs  a  I'habitation  et  de  I'habitation  au  [23]  navire, 
chacun  voulant  caresser,  et  estre  caresse  de  ses  amis, 
comme  apres  I'hyver  on  se  resjoui't  du  beau  temps, 
et  apres  le  siege  de  la  liberte,  il  arriva  qae  deux  de 
I'habitation  prindrent  un  canot  des  sauvages  pour 
aller  au  navire.  Ces  canots  sont  tellement  faits  que, 
si  on  ne  s'y  tient  pas  bien  juste  et  a  plomb,  aussitost 


I 


1610-13] 


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159 


Thus  this  importunate  creditor  was  somewhat  satis- 
fied; I  say  somewhat,  because,  when  there  was  no 
bread,  [22]  everything  else  was  of  little  account;  and 
they  had  already  made  up  their  minds  that,  if  the  ship 
did  not  come  during  the  month  of  May,  they  would  re- 
sort to  the  coast,  in  search  of  ships  to  take  them  back 
to  the  sweet  land  of  wheat  and  vines.  It  was  Monsieur 
de  Potrincourt's  followers  who  talked  this  way;  as 
for  him,  he  was  full  of  courage  and  knew  well  how 
he  could  manage  to  hold  out  until  saint  John's  day 
[midsummer].  Thank  God,  there  was  no  need  of 
this,  for,  as  has  been  said,  we  arrived  the  22nd  of  May. 
Those  who  know  what  hunger,  despair,  fear  and 
suffering  are,  what  it  is  to  be  a  leader  and  see  all 
one's  enterprises  and  hard  work  come  to  nought,  can 
imagine  what  must  have  been  the  joy  of  Monsieur  de 
Potrincourt  and  his  colony  upon  seeing  us  arrive. 

We  all  wept  at  this  meeting,  which  seemed  almost 
like  a  dream ;  then  when  we  had  recovered  ourselves 
a  little  and  had  begun  to  talk,  this  question  (mine,  in 
fact)  was  proposed,  to  wit :  Which  was  the  happier  of 
the  two,  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  and  his  people,  or 
Monsieur  de  Biancourt  and  his  ?  Truly,  our  hearts 
swelled  within  us,  and  God,  in  his  mercy,  showed  that 
he  took  pleasure  in  our  joy;  for,  after  mass  and  din- 
ner, there  was  nothing  but  going  and  coming  from 
the  ship  to  the  settlement,  and  from  the  settlement  to 
the  [23]  ship,  each  one  wanting  to  embrace  and  be 
embraced  by  his  friends,  just  as,  after  the  winter,  we 
rejoice  in  the  beautiful  spring,  and  after  a  siege,  in 
our  freedom.  It  happened  that  two  persons  from  the 
settlement  took  one  of  the  canoes  of  the  savages  to 
go  to  the  ship.  These  canoes  are  so  made  that,  if 
you  do  not  sit  very  straight  and   steady,  they  imme- 


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LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


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on  vire;  arriva  done  que,  voulant  retoiirner  dans  le 
mesme  canot  dii  navire  k  I'habitation  ne  S9ay  com- 
ment ne  charrierent  pas  droict,  et  eux  dans  I'eau. 

Le  bonheiir  porta  que  pour  lors  je  me  promenois 
avec  M.  de  Potrincourt  ^  la  rive.  Nous  voyons  Tac- 
cident,  et,  "k  nostre  pouvoir  faisions  signe  avec  nos 
chapeaux  "k  ceux  du  navire,  de  courir  au  secours; 
car  de  crier,  rien  n'eust  proffite,  tant  le  navire  estoit 
esloign^,  et  le  vent  faisoit  du  bruit.  Personne  n'y 
prenoit  garde  du  commencement;  de  maniere  que 
nostre  recours  fut  "k  I'oraison,  et  de  nous  mettre  k 
genou,  n'y  voyant  autre  remede;  et  Dieu  eut  pitie 
de  nous.  L'un  des  deux  se  saisit  du  canot  renvers^, 
et  se  jette  dessus;  I'autre,  "k  la  parfin,  fut  secouru 
d'une  chaloupe,  et  tons  deux  ainsi  retirez  et  sauvez 
nous  comblerent  de  liesse,  voyant  comme  la  bonte 
divine,  par  sa  toute  parternelle  doiiceur,  n'avoit  point 
voulu  permettre  que  le  malin  esprit  nous  enviast  et 
funestast  un  si  bon  jour.  A  elle  soit  gloire  ci  tout  ja- 
mays.     Ainsy  soit-il. 

[24]  Or  maintenant  il  est  temps  qu'arrives  par  la 
grace  de  Dieu  en  sante  nous  jettions  les  yeux  sur  le 
pays,  et  y  considerions  un  peu  I'e.stat  de  la  chres- 
tiente  que  nous  y  trouvons.  Tout  son  fondement 
consiste  apres  Dieu  en  cette  petite  habitation  d'une 
famille  d 'environ  vingt  personnes.  Messire  lesse 
Flesche,  vulgairement  diet  le  Patriarche,  en  a  eu  la 
charge,  et,  dans  un  an  qu'il  y  a  demeure,  a  baptize 
quelque  cent  ou  tant  des  Sauvages.  Le  mal  a  este 
qu'il  ne  ics  a  pu  instruire  comme  il  eust  bien  desire, 
faute  de  sgavoir  la  langue,  et  avoir  de  quoy  les  en- 
tretenir;  car  celui  qui  leur  nourrit  I'ame  faut  quand 
et  quand  qu'il  se  delibere  de  sustenter  leur  corps. 


i     ; 


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161 


diately  tip  over;  now  it  chanced  that,  wishing  to 
come  back  in  the  .same  canoe  from  the  ship  to  the  set- 
tlement, somehow  they  did  not  properly  balance  it, 
and  both  fell  into  the  water. 

Fortunately,  it  occurred  at  a  time  when  I  happened 
to  be  walking  upon  the  shore  with  Monsieur  de  Po- 
trincourt.  vSeeing  the  accident,  we  made  signs  with 
our  hats  as  best  we  could  to  those  upon  the  ship  to 
come  to  their  aid ;  for  it  would  have  been  useless  to 
call  out,  so  far  away  was  the  ship,  and  so  loud  the 
noise  of  the  wind.  At  first  no  one  paid  any  attention 
to  us,  so  we  had  recourse  to  prayer,  and  fell  upon 
our  knees,  this  being  our  only  alternative ;  and  God 
had  pity  upon  us.  One  of  the  two  caught  hold  of  the 
canoe,  which  was  turned  upside  down,  and  threw 
himself  upon  it:  the  other  was  finally  saved  by  a 
boat,  and  thus  both  were  rescued ;  so  our  cup  of  joy 
was  full  in  seeing  how  God  in  his  all  paternal  love 
and  gentleness,  would  not  permit  the  evil  one  to 
trouble  us  and  to  destroy  our  happiness  upon  this 
good  day.     To  him  be  the  glory  forever.     Amen ! 

[24]  But  now  that  we  have  arrived  in  good  health, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  it  is  time  we  were  casting  our  eyes 
over  the  country,  and  were  giving  some  consideration 
to  the  condition  in  which  we  find  Christianity  here. 
Its  whole  foundation  consists,  after  God,  in  this  little 
settlement  of  a  family  of  about  twenty  persons. 
Messire  Jesse  Flesche,  commonly  called  the  Patriarch, 
has  had  charge  of  it ;  and,  in  the  year  that  he  has 
lived  here,  has  baptized  about  one  hundred  Savages. 
The  trouble  is,  he  has  not  been  able  to  instruct  them 
as  he  would  have  wished,  because  he  did  not  know 
the  language,  and  had  nothing  with  which  to  support 
them ;  for  he  who  would  minister  to  their  souls,  must 


T 


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LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.1 


I     '1 


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Ce  bon  personnage  nous  a  fait  beaucoup  d'amiti^,  et 
a  remercie  Dieu  de  nostre  venue ;  car  il  avoit  jk  de 
longtemps  resolu  de  repasser  en  France  k  la  pre- 
miere commodite  ;  ce  qu'il  est  bien  ayse  de  faire 
maintenant,  sans  le  regret  d'abandonner  une  vigne 
qu'il  auroit  plant^e. 

On  n'a  pu  jusques  k  maintenant  traduire  au  Ian- 
gage  du  pays  la  croyance  commune  ou  symbole, 
I'oraison  de  nostre  Seigneur,  les  commandemens  de 
Dieu,  les  Sacremens  et  autres  chefs  totalement  neces- 
saires  k  faire  un  chrestien. 

Estant  derni^rement  au  port  Saint-lean,  je  fus 
adverty  qu'entre  les  autres  Sauvages,  il  y  en  avoit 
cinq  jh,  chrestiens.  le  prends  de  la  occasion  de  leur 
[25]  donner  des  images,  et  planter  une  croix  devant 
leur  cabane,  chantant  un  Salve  Regina.  le  leur  fis 
faire  le  signe  de  la  croix;  mais  je  me  trouvois  bien 
esbahy,  car  autant  quasi  y  entendoient  les  non-bap- 
tizes,  que  les  chrestiens.  le  demandois  k  un  chacun 
son  nom  de  baptesme ;  quelques-uns  ne  le  S9avoient 
pas,  et  ceux-l&,  s'appeloient  Patriarches  ;  et  la  cause 
est  parce  que  c'est  le  Patriarche  qui  leur  impose  le 
nom ;  car  ils  concluent  ainsy,  il  faut  qu'ils  s'appeilent 
Patriarches,  quand  ils  ont  oublie  leur  vray  nom, 

il  y  eut  aussi  pour  rire,  car  lorsque  je  leur  deman- 
dois s'ils  estoient  chrestiens,  ils  ne  m 'entendoient 
pas;  quand  je  leur  demandois  s'ils  estoient  baptizes, 
ils  me  respondoient :  Hetaion  cnderquir  Vortrnandia 
Patriarch^ ;  c'est  k-dire:  "Oui,  le  Patriarche  nous  a 
fait  semblables  aux  Normans."  Or,  appellent-ils 
Normans  tous  les  Fran9oys  hormis  les  Malouins, 
qu'ils  appellent  Samaricois,  et  les  Basques  qu'ils 
disent  Bascua. 

Le  sagamoy  c'est-k-dire  le  seigneur  du  port  Saint- 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


163 


at  the  same  time  resolve  to  nourish  their  bodies. 
This  worthy  man  has  shown  great  friendliness  toward 
us,  and  thanked  God  for  our  coming ;  for  he  had  made 
up  his  mind  some  time  ago  to  return  to  France  at  the 
first  opportunity,  which  he  is  now  quite  free  to  do  with- 
out regret  at  leaving  a  vine  which  he  has  planted. 

They  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  translating  into 
the  native  language  the  common  creed  or  symbol, 
the  Lord's  prayer,  the  commandments  of  God,  the 
Sacraments,  and  other  principles  quite  necessary  to 
the  making  of  a  christian. 

Recently,  when  I  was  at  port  Saint  John,  I  was  in- 
formed that  among  the  other  Savages  there  were  five 
who  were  already  christians.  Thereupon  I  took  oc- 
casion to  give  them  [25]  some  pictures,  and  to  erect  a 
cross  before  their  wigwams,  singing  a  Salve  Rcgina. 
I  hac^  them  make  the  sign  of  the  cross;  but  I  was 
very  much  astonished,  for  the  unbaptized  understood 
almost  as  much  about  it  as  the  christians.  I  asked 
each  one  his  baptismal  name;  some  did  not  know 
theirs,  so  they  called  themselves  Patriarchs,  because 
it  is  the  Patriarch  who  gives  them  their  names,  and 
thus  they  conclude  that,  when  they  have  forgotten 
their  own  names,  they  ought  to  be  called  Patriarchs. 

It  was  also  rather  amusing  that,  when  I  asked 
them  if  they  were  christians,  they  did  not  know  what 
I  meant ;  when  I  asked  them  if  they  had  been  bap- 
tized, they  answered:  Hctaion  cndcrgnir  Vortniandia 
Patriarchs,  that  is  to  say,  "  Yes,  the  Patriarch  has 
made  us  like  the  Normans. ' '  Now  they  call  all  the 
French  "Normans, ' '  except  the  Malouins,"*'^  whom  they 
call  Samaricois,  and  the  Basques,  Bascua. 

The  name  of  the  sagamore,  that  is,  the  lord  of  port 
Saint  John,  is  Cacagous,  a  man  who  is  shrewd  and  cun- 


i 


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164 


LKS  RELATIONS  DES  JJ^SUITKS  [Vol..  1 


1^1 


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lean,  est  iin  appel6  Cacagous,  fin  ct  matois  s'il  n'y  en 
a  point  en  la  coste;  c'est  tout  ce  qu'il  a  rapporte  de 
France  (car  il  a  este  en  France),  et  me  disoit  qu'il 
avoit  este  baptiz6  a  Bajonne,  me  racontant  cela 
comme  qui  raconteroit  d' avoir  este  par  amitie  conduit 
h.  un  bal.  Sur  quoy,  voyant  le  mal,  et  [26J  voulant 
esprouver  si  je  luy  esmouverois  point  la  conscience, 
je  luy  demandois  combien  il  avoit  de  femmes.  II  me 
respondit  qu'il  en  avoit  huict  ;  et  de  fait,  il  m'en 
compta  sept,  qu'il  avoit  1^  presentes,  me  les  desi- 
gnant  avec  autant  de  gloire,  tant  s'en  faut  qu'avec 
honte,  comme  si  je  luy  eusse  demande  combien  il 
avoit  de  fils  legitimes. 

Un  autre,  qui  cherchoit  plusieurs  femmes,  comme 
je  luy  dissuadasse,  luy  alleguant  qu'il  estoit  chres- 
tien,  me  paya  de  cette  response:  Rcrourc  qtiiro  Nort- 
maudia  :  c'est  h-dire  Cela  est  bon  pour  vous  autres, 
Normans.  Aussi  ne  voit-on  gueres  de  changement 
en  eux  apres  le  baptesme  La  mesme  sauvagine  et  les 
mCvSmes  moeurs  demeurent,  ou  peu  s'en  faut,  mesmes 
coustumes,  ceremonies,  us,  fagons  et  vices,  au  moins 
k  ce  qu'on  en  peut  sgavoir,  sans  point  observer  au- 
cune  distinction  de  temps,  jours,  offices,  exercices, 
prieres,  debvoirs,  vertus  ou  remedcs  spirituels. 

Membertou,  comme  celuy  qui  hante  le  plus  M.  de 
Potrincourt  des  long  temps,  est  aussi  le  plus  zele,  et 
montre  le  plus  de  f oy ;  mais  encore  il  se  plaint  de  ne 
nous  pas  assez  entendre,  et  desireroit  d'estre  pres- 
cheur,  dit-il,  s'il  estoit  bien  instruict.  Ce  fut  luy 
qui  me  fit  1 'autre  jour  une  plaisante  repartie;  car, 
comme  je  luy  enseignois  son  Pater,  selon  la  traduc- 
tion que  m'en  a  fait  M.  de  Biancourt,  sur  ce  [27]  que 
je  lui  faisois  dire :  Nui  en  caraco  nae  iquein  csmoi  ciscoii  ; 
c*est-a-dire,  donne-nous  aujourd'huy  nostre  pain  quo- 


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1610-13] 


T//£  JESUIT  RELA  T/ONS 


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tiinj^  as  are  no  others  upon  the  coast ;  that  is  all  that  he 
broujifht  back  from  France  (for  he  has  been  in  France); 
he  told  me  he  had  been  baptized  in  Bayonne,  relating 
his  story  to  me  as  one  tells  about  going  to  a  ball  out 
of  friendship.  Whereupon,  seeing  how  wicked  he 
was,  and  [26|  wishi  ig  to  try  and  arouse  his  con- 
science, I  asked  him  how  many  wives  he  had.  He 
answered  that  he  had  eight;  and  in  fact  he  counted 
off  seven  to  me  who  were  there  present,  pointing 
them  out  with  as  much  pride,  instead  of  an  equal 
degree  of  shame,  as  if  I  had  asked  him  the  number  of 
his  legitimate  children. 

Another,  who  was  looking  out  for  a  number  of 
wives,  made  the  following  answer  to  my  objections 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  christian :  Rcronrc  quiro 
Nortuiandia:  which  means,  "  That  is  all  well  enough 
for  you  Normans. ' '  So  there  is  scarcely  any  change 
in  them  after  their  baptism.  The  same  vsavagery  and 
the  same  manners,  or  but  little  different,  the  same 
customs,  ceremonies,  usages,  fashions,  and  vices  re- 
main, at  least  as  far  as  can  be  learned;  no  attention 
being  paid  to  any  distinction  of  time,  days,  offices,  ex- 
ercises, prayers,  duties,  virtues,  or  spiritual  remedies. 

Membertou,  as  the  one  who  has  most  associated 
with  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt  for  a  long  time,  is 
also  the  most  zealous  and  shows  the  greatest  faith, 
but  even  he  complains  of  not  understanding  us  well 
enough ;  he  would  like  to  become  a  preacher,  he  says, 
if  he  were  properly  taught.  He  gave  me  a  witty  an- 
.swer  the  other  day,  as  I  was  teaching  him  his  Pater, 
according  to  the  translation  made  of  it  by  M.  de  Bian- 
court,  when  [2 7 J  I  had  him  say:  Nui  en  caraco  nac 
iquein  esnioi  ciscou;  that  is,  "  Give  us  this  day  our  daily 
bread."     "  But,"  said  he,   "  if  I  did  not  ask  him  for 


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tidien.     "Mais,  dit-il,  .si  je  ne  luy  demandois  que  du 
pain,  je  demeurerois  sans  orignac  ou  poisson." 

Le  bon  vieillard  nous  contoit  avec  grande  affection 
comme  Dieu  I'assiste  depuis  qu'il  est  chrestien,  et 
nous  disoit  que  ce  printemps,  luy  arriva  de  patir 
grande  faim  luy  et  les  siens;  que  sur  ce  il  luy  .sou- 
vint  qu'il  estoit  chrestien,  et  par  ce  il  pria  Dieu. 
Apres  .sa  priere,  allant  veoir  a  la  riviere,  il  trouva 
des  esplans  a  suffisance.  Et  puifque  je  suis  sur  ce 
vieux  sagamo,  premices  de  cette  gentilite,  je  vous 
diray  encore  ce  qui  luy  est  arrive  cet  hyver, 

II  a  este  malade,  et  ce  qui  est  plus,  juge  a  mort  par 
les  aoutinoins  ou  sorciers  du  pays.  Or  est  la  coustume 
que  des  aussitost  que  les  Aoutmoins  ont  sentencie  la 
maladie  ou  plaie  estre  mortelle,  des  lors  le  patient 
nc  mange  plus;  aussy  ne  luy  donne-t-on  rien.  Ains, 
prenant  sa  belle  robe,  il  entonne  luy-mesme  le  chant 
de  sa  mort;  apres  lequel  cantique,  s'il  tarde  trop  a 
mourir,  en  luy  jette  force  seaux  d'eau  dessus,  pour 
r advancer,  et  quelquefois  I'enterre-t-on  a  demy  vif. 
Or  les  enfants  de  Membertou,  quoy  que  chrestien, 
se  preparoient  a  user  de  ce  beau  devoir  de  piete  en- 
vers  leur  pere ;  ja  ils  ne  luy  donnoient  plus  a  manger, 
ct  luy  ayant  prins  sa  [28]  belle  robe  de  loutre,  avoit, 
comme  un  cygne,  chante  ct  conclu  sa  Nasnie  ou 
chant  funerail.  Une  chose  I'affligeoit  encore,  c'est 
qu'il  ne  s9avoit  pas  comment  il  debvoit  bien  mourir 
en  chrestien,  et  qu'il  ne  disoit  point  adieu  a  M.  de 
Potrincourt.  Ces  choses  entendues,  M.  de  Potrin- 
court  vint  a  luy,  luy  remonstre  et  I'asseure  qu'en 
despit  de  tons  les  Aoutmoins  et  Pilotois,  il  vivroit  et 
recouvreroit  sante,  s'il  vouloit  manger;  ce  qu'il  estoit 
tenu  de  faire,  estant  chrestien.     Le  bon  homme  crut, 


I 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


m 


anything  but  bread,  I  wonld  be  without  moose-meat 
or  fish." 

The  good  old  man  told  us,  with  a  great  deal  of 
feeling,  how  God  is  helping  him  since  he  has  become 
a  christian,  saying  that  this  spring  it  happened  that 
he  and  his  family  were  suffering  much  from  hunger; 
then  he  remembered  that  he  was  a  christian,  and 
therefore  prayed  to  God.  After  his  prayer,  he  went 
to  the  river  and  found  all  the  smelts  he  wanted. 
And  while  I  am  speaking  of  this  old  sagamore,  the 
first  fruit  of  this  heathen  nation,  I  will  tell  you  also 
what  happened  this  winter. 

He  was  sick,  and  what  is  more,  had  been  given  up 
to  die  by  the  native  aoiitnioins,  or  sorcerers.  Now  it 
is  the  custom,  when  the  Aoutmoins  ha^^'e  pronounced 
the  malady  or  wound  to  be  mortal,  for  the  sick  man 
to  cease  eating  from  that  time  on,  nor  do  they  give 
him  anything  more.  But,  donning  his  beautiful 
robe,  he  begins  chanting  his  own  death-song;  after 
this,  if  he  lingers  too  long,  a  great  many  pails  of 
water  are  thrown  over  him  to  hasten  his  death,  and 
sometimes  he  is  buried  half  alive.  Now  the  children 
of  Membertou,  though  christians,  were  prepared  to 
exercise  this  noble  and  pious  duty  toward  their 
father;  already  they  had  ce^lsed  giving  him  anything 
to  eat  and  had  taken  away  his  [28]  beautiful  otter 
robe,  and  he  had,  like  the  swan,  finished  his  Naenie, 
or  funeral  chant.  One  thing  still  troubled  him,  that  he 
did  not  know  how  to  die  like  a  christian,  and  he  had 
not  taken  farewell  of  Monsieur  de  Potrincourt. 
When  M.  de  Potrincourt  heard  these  things,  he 
went  to  see  him,  remonstrated  with  him,  and  assured 
him  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  Aoutmoins  and  Pilotois, 
he  would  live  and  recover  his  health  if  he  would  eat 


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168 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


et  fut  sauv6 ;  aujourd'huy  il  raconte  cecy  avec  grand 
contentement,  et  rememore  bien  ^  propos  comme 
Dieu  a  mi.sericordieusement  en  cela  fait  entendre  la 
malice  et  mensonge  de  leurs  aoutmoins. 

Je  raconteray  icy  un  autre  faict  du  mesme  Sieur 
de  Potrincourt,  et  qui  a  beaucoup  proffite  h,  toute 
cette  gentilite.  Un  sauvage  chrestien  estoit  mort,  et 
(marque  de  sa  Constance)  il  avoit  mande  icy  k  1' habi- 
tation, pendant  sa  maladie,  qu'il  se  recommandoit 
aux  prieres.  Apr^s  sa  mort,  les  autres  Sauvp.ges  se 
preparoient  de  I'enterrer  k  leur  mode:  leur  mode  est 
qu'ils  prennent  tout  ce  qui  appartient  au  defunct, 
peaux,  arcs,  utensiles,  cabannes,  etc.  bruslent  tout 
cela,  hurlants,  brayants  avec  certains  clameurs,  sor- 
celeries  et  invocations  du  malin  esprit.  M.  de  Po- 
trincourt delibera  de  vertueusement  resister  a  ces  ce- 
remonies. II  met  done  en  armes  toutes  ses  gens,  et 
[29]  s'en  va  aux  Sauvages  en  main  forte,  obtient  par  ce 
moyen  ce  qu'il  demandoit,  s9avoir  est  que  le  corps 
fust  donne  ^  M.  le  Patriarche,  et  ainsi  I'enterrement 
fut  faict  ci  la  chrestienne.  Get  acte,  d'autant  qu'il 
n'a  pu  estre  contrari^  par  les  Sauvages,  a  este  loue 
par  eux,  et  Test  encores. 

La  chappelle  qu'on  a  eue  jusque  k  maintenant,  est 
fort  petite,  pirement  accomodee,  et  en  toutes  fagons 
incommode  k  tous  exercices  de  religion.  Pour  re- 
mede,  M.  de  Potrincourt  nous  a  donne  tout  un  quar- 
tier  de  son  habitation,  si  nous  pouvons  le  couvrir  et 
accomoder.  Seulement  j'adjousteray  encore  un  mot, 
que  plusieurs  seront  bien  ay  ses  et  edifies  d'oui'r. 

Apres  mon  arrivee  icy  ^  Port- Royal,  j'ay  est^  avec 
M.  de  Potrincourt  jusque  aux  Etechemins.  La,  Dieu 
voulut  que  je  rencontrasse  le  jeune  du  Pont  de  Sainct 


t 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


169 


something,  which  he  was  bound  to  do,  being  a  chris- 
tian. The  good  man  believed  and  was  saved ;  to-day- 
he  tells  this  story  with  great  satisfaction,  and  very 
aptly  points  out  how  God  has  thereby  mercifully  ex- 
posed the  malice  and  deceit  of  their  aoutmoins. 

I  shall  here  relate  another  act  of  the  vSame  Sieur  de 
Potrincourt,  which  has  been  of  great  benefit  to  all 
these  heathen.  A  christian  savage  had  died,  and  (as 
a  mark  of  his  constancy)  he  had  sent  word  here  to  the 
settlement  during  his  sickness,  that  he  desired  our 
prayers.  After  his  death  the  other  Savages  prepared 
to  bury  him  in  their  way ;  they  are  accustomed  to  take 
everything  that  belongs  to  the  deceased,  skins,  bows, 
utensils,  wigwams,  etc.,  and  burn  them  all,  howling 
and  shouting  certain  cries,  sorceries,  and  invocations 
to  the  evil  spirit.  M.  de  Potrincourt  firmly  resolved 
to  oppose  these  ceremonies.  So  he  armed  all  his 
men,  and  [29]  going  to  the  Savages  in  force,  by  this 
means  obtained  what  he  asked,  namely,  that  the  body 
should  be  given  to  the  Patriarch,  and  so  the  burial 
took  place  according  to  christian  customs.  This  act, 
inasmuch  as  it  could  not  be  prevented  by  the  Savages, 
was  and  still  is,  greatly  praised  by  them. 

The  chapel  they  have  been  using  until  now  is  very 
small,  badly  arranged,  and  in  every  way  unsuited  for 
religious  services.  To  remedy  this,  M.  de  Poutrin- 
court  has  given  us  an  entire  quarter  of  his  habitation, 
if  we  can  roof  it  over  and  adapt  it  to  our  needs.  But 
I  shall  add  one  more  word  which  will  be  pleasant  and 
edifying  news  to  many. 

After  my  arrival  here  at  Port  Royal,  I  went  with 
M.  de  Potrincourt  as  far  as  the  Etechemins.  There 
God  willed  that  I  should  meet  young  du  Pont,  of 
Sainct    Malo,^^  who,    having   been    for    some    reason 


'lii 


■% 


i 


J*! 

■Ml 


Rif 


i  V  f- 


170 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  I 


i^- 


^!' 


I    u 


l^^'l  i=' 


'I'l ' ' 


!  i( 


Malo,  lequel  ne  S9ays  comment  effarouche ',  avoit 
pass6  toiite  I'annee  avec  les  Sauvages,  vivant  de 
mesme  qu'eiix.  C'est  im  jeune  homme  d'une  grande 
force  d'esprit  et  de  corps,  n'y  ayant  sauvage  qui 
courre,  agisse  ou  patisse  ou  parle  mieux  que  luy.  II 
estoiten  grandes  apprehensions  deM.de  [30J  Potrin- 
court ;  mais  Dieu  me  donna  tant  de  croyance  envers 
luy,  que  sur  ma  parole  il  vint  avec  moy  dans  nostre  na- 
vire,  et,  apres  quelques  submissions  et  debvoir  rendu 
par  luy,  la  paix  fut  faite  au  grand  contentement  de 
tous.  Au  departir,  comme  les  canonades  bruyerent, 
il  me  pria  de  luy  assigner  heure  pour  sa  confession. 
Au  lendemain  matin,  luy  mesme  prevint  I'heure, 
tant  il  estoit  en  ferveur,  et  se  confessa  en  I'oree  de 
la  mer,  en  la  presence  de  tous  les  Sauvages,  qui  s'e- 
merveilloient  d'ainsy  le  voir  k  genoux  devant  moy  si 
long  temps.  Depuis,  il  communia  avec  grand  ex- 
emple,  et  puis  dire  que  les  larmes  m'en  vinrent  aux 
yeux,  et  ne  fus  pas  seul.  Le  diable  fut  confus  de  cet 
acte:  aussy  pensa-il  subitement  tout  troubler  1' apres 
disnee  suivante;  mais  Dieu  mercy,  par  I'equite  et 
bonte  de  M.  de  Potrincourt,  le  tout  a  este  remis  en 
son  entier. 

Voilci,  mon  Reverend  Pere,  le  discours  de  nostre 
voyage  et  des  clioses  survenues  tant  en  yceluy  que 
devant  celuy,  et  depuis  nostre  arrivee  il  cette  habita- 
tion. Reste  maintenant  ^  vous  dire  que  Ir*  conver- 
sion de  ce  pays  k  I'Evangile,  et  de  ce  peuple  h  la 
civilite,  n'est  pas  petite,  ni  sans  beaucoup  de  difficul- 
tez ;  car  en  premier  lieu,  si  nous  considerons  le  pays, 

'  wL'annee  prochainement  passee,  il  avoit  ete  fait  prisonnier  par 
le  Sieur  de  Potrincourt,  d'oii  s'estant  esvade  subtilement,  il  avoit 
este  contraint  courrir  les  bois  en  grande  misere.  »  ( Relation  im- 
primie. ) 


1010-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


171 


frightened  away  [from  the  settlement],*  had  passed  the 
entire  year  with  the  Savages,  living  just  as  they  did. 
He  is  a  young  man  of  great  physical  and  mental 
strength,  excelled  by  none  of  the  savages  in  the 
chase,  in  alertness  and  endurance,  and  in  his  ability 
to  speak  their  language.  He  was  very  much  afraid 
of  M.  de  [30]  Potrincourt:  but  God  inspired  me  with 
so  much  faith  in  him  that,  relying  upon  my  word,  Du 
Pont  came  with  me  to  our  ship ;  and  after  making 
some  apologies  and  promises,  peace  was  declared,  to 
the  great  satisfaction  of  all.  When  he  departed,  as 
the  cannon  were  sounding,  he  begged  me  to  appoint 
an  hour  to  receive  his  confession.  The  next  morn- 
ing, in  his  great  eagerness,  he  anticipated  the  hour, 
and  made  his  confession  upon  the  shores  of  the  sea  in 
the  presence  of  all  the  Savages,  who  were  greatly 
astonished  at  thus  seeing  him  upon  his  knees  so  long 
before  me.  Then  he  took  communion  in  a  most  ex- 
emplary manner,  at  which  I  can  say  tears  came  into 
my  eyes,  and  not  into  mine  alone.  The  devil  was 
confounded  at  this  act;  so  he  vStraightway  planned 
trouble  for  us  that  very  afternoon;  but  thank  God, 
through  the  justice  and  goodness  of  M.  de  Potrin- 
court, harmony  was  everywhere  restored. 

And  now  you  have  had,  my  Reverend  Father,  an 
account  of  our  voyage,  of  what  happened  in  it,  and 
before  it,  and  since  our  arrival  at  this  settlement.  It 
now  remains  to  tell  you  that  the  conversion  of  this 
country,  to  the  Gospel,  and  of  these  people  to  civiliza- 
tion, is  not  a  small  undertaking  nor  free  from  great 
difficulties ;  for,  in  the  fir^st  place,  if  we  consider  the 

*  ' '  The  year  before  he  had  been  made  a  prisoner  by  Sieur  de  Po- 
trincourt; and  having  slyly  escaped  from  him,  he  had  '.jeen  obliged 
to  wander  about  in  the  woods  in  great  misery." — {Printed  Rela- 
tion. )  —  [Carayon.  ] 


i 
ij 

11  tf 


J 
j'l 


172 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


] 


) 


i; 


'( i, 


M 


'■( 


ce  n'est  qu'une  forest,  sans  autre  commodite  pour  la 
vie  que  celles  qu'on  apportera  de  France,  et  avec  le 
temps  on  pourroit  retirer  du  terroir,  apres  qu'on  [31] 
I'aura  cultive.  La  nation  est  sauvage,  vagabonde, 
mal  habitude,  rare  et  d'assez  pen  de  gens.  Elle  est, 
dis-je,  sauvage,  courant  les  bois,  sans  lettres,  vSans 
police,  sans  bonnes  moeurs;  elle  est  vagabonde,  sans 
aucun  arrest,  ni  des  maisons  ni  de  parent(3,  ni  des  pos- 
sessions ni  de  patrie;  elle  est  mal  habituee,  gens  ex- 
tremement  paresseux,  gourmans,  irreligieux,  traitres, 
cruels  en  vengeance,  et  adonnes  h  toute  luxure, 
hommes  et  femmes,  les  hommes  ayant  plusieurs 
femmes  et  les  abandonnant  k  autruy,  et  les  femmes 
ne  leur  servant  que  d'esclaves  qu'ils  battent  et  as- 
somment  de  coups,  sans  qu'elles  osent  se  plaindre;  et 
apr^s  avoir  este  demy  meurtries,  s'il  plaist  au  meur- 
trier,  ;1  faut  qu'elles  rient  et  luy  f assent  caresses. 

Avec  tons  ces  maux,  ils  .sont  extremement  glorieux : 
ils  s'estiment  plus  vaillans,  que  nous,  meilleurs  que 
nous,  plus  ingenieux  que  nous,  et,  chose  difficile  "k 
croire,  plus  riches  que  nous.  Ils  s'estiment,  dis-je, 
plus  vaillants  que  nous,  se  vantant  qu'ils  ont  tu6  des 
Basques  et  Malouins,  et  fait  beaucoup  de  mal  aux 
navires,  sans  que  jam  ays  on  en  ait  tir6  vengeance, 
voulant  dire  que  ce  a  este  faute  de  cceur.  lis  s'es- 
timent meilleurs :  ' '  Car,  disent-ils,  vous  ne  cessez  de 
vous  entrebattre  et  quereller  1 '  an  1' autre ;  nous  vivons 
en  paix.  Vous  estes  envieux  les  uns  des  autres,  et 
d($tractez  les  uns  des  autres  ordinairement ;  [32]  vous 
estes  larrons  et  trompeurs;  vous  estes  convoiteux, 
sans  liberalite  et  misericorde :  quant  a  nous,  si  nous 
avons  un  morceau  du  pain,  nous  le  partissons  entre 
nous.' 


■■'  M 


\ 


A  \ 


"^y 


I   .}  y 


1610-13] 


77//i  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


173 


country,  it  is  only  a  forest,  without  other  conven- 
iences of  life  than  those  which  will  be  brought  from 
France,  and  what  in  time  may  be  obtained  from  the 
soil  after  [31]  it  has  been  cultivated.  The  nation  is 
savage,  wandering  and  full  of  bad  habits ;  the  people 
few  and  isolated.  They  are,  I  say,  savage,  haunting 
the  woods,  ignorant,  lawless  and  rude :  they  are  wan- 
derers, with  nothing  to  attach  them  to  a  place,  neither 
homes  nor  relationship,  neither  possessions  nor  love 
of  country ;  as  a  people  they  have  bad  habits,  are  ex- 
tremely lazy,  gluttonous,  profane,  treacherous,  cruel 
in  their  revenge,  and  given  up  to  all  kinds  of  lewd- 
ness, men  and  women  alike,  the  men  having  several 
wives  and  abandoning  them  to  others,  and  the  women 
only  serving  them  as  slaves,  whom  they  strike  and 
beat  unmercifully,  and  who  dare  not  complain ;  and 
after  being  half  killed,  if  it  so  please  the  murderer, 
they  mUvSt  laugh  and  caress  him. 

With  all  these  vices,  they  are  exceedingly  vainglo- 
rious: they  think  they  are  better,  more  valiant  and 
more  ingenious  than  the  French;  and,  what  is  diffi- 
cult to  believe,  richer  than  we  are.  They  consider 
themselves,  I  say,  braver  than  we  are,  boasting  that 
they  have  killed  Basques  and  Malouins,  and  that 
they  do  a  great  deal  of  harm  to  the  ships,  and  that  no 
one  has  ever  resented  it,  insinuating  that  it  was  from 
a  lack  of  courage.  They  consider  themselves  better 
than  the  French ;  ' '  For, ' '  they  say,  ' '  you  are  always 
fighting  and  quarreling  among  yourselves;  we  live 
peaceably.  You  are  envious  and  are  all  the  time 
slandering  each  other;  [32]  you  are  thieves  and  de- 
ceivers; you  are  covetous,  and  are  neither  generous 
nor  kind ;  as  for  us,  if  we  have  a  morsel  of  bread  we 
share  it  with  our  neighbor." 


I     / 


X 


s 


ill 

h 


174 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Voi,.  1 


l! 


^1 


■IM!  ! 


) 


%A 


I 

W 


Telles  et  semblables  choses  disent-ils  commune- 
ment,  voyant  les  susdictes  imperfections  en  quel- 
ques-uns  de  nos  gens ;  et.  se  flattent  de  ce  que  quel- 
(liies-uns  d'entre  eux  ne  les  ont  si  ^minentes,  ne 
considerant  (pas)  qu'ils  ont  tons  des  vices  beaucoup 
plus  ^normes,  et  que  la  meilleure  part  des  nostres 
n'ont  pas  mesmes  les  vices  susdicts,  concluent  uni- 
versellement  qu'ils  valient  mieux  que  tons  les  chres- 
tiens.  C'est  I'amour  propre  qui  les  aveugle,  et  le 
malin  esprit  qui  les  seduit,  ne  plus  ne  moins  que 
vous  voyez  en  nostre  France  les  desvoyes  de  la  foy 
s'estimer  et  se  vanter  estre  meilleurs  que  les  catho- 
liques,  d'autant  qu'en  quelques-uns  ils  voyent  beau- 
coup  de  vices,  ne  regardants  ni  les  vertus  des  autres 
catholiques,  ni  leurs  vices  beaucoup  plus  grand.s ;  ne 
voulant,  comme  Cyclopes,  avoir  qu'un  seul  ceil,  et 
celuy  fich6  .sur  aucuns  vices  de  quelques  catholiques, 
et  janiays  sur  les  vertus  des  autres,  ni  sur  eux,  sinon 
pour  se  tromper.  ' 

lis  s'estiment  aussi  plus  ingenieux,  d'autant  qu'ils 
nous  voyent  admirer  aucunes  de  leurs  manufactures, 
comme  oeuvres  de  personnes  si  rudes  et  grossieres, 
[33]  et  admirent  peu  ce  que  nous  leur  monstrous, 
quoy  que  beaucoup  plus  digne  d'estre  admire,  faute 
d'esprit.  De  la  vient  qu'ils  s'estiment  beaucoup  plus 
riches  que  nous,  quoy  qu'ils  soyent  extremement 
pauvres  et  souffreteux. 

Cacagous,  duquel  j'ai  cy-devant  parle,  a  bonne 
grace,  quand  il  a  un  peu  liausse  le  ton;  car  pour 
monstrer  vSa  bonne  affection  envers  les  Franyoys,  il 
se  vante  de  vouloir  aller  veoir  le  Roy,  et  luy  porter 
un  present  de  cent  castors,  et  fait  estat,  ce  faisant,  de 
le  faire  le  plus  riche  de  tous  ses  predecesseurs.     La 


1610-18J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


17r> 


They  are  saying  these  and  like  things  continually, 
seeing  the  above-mentioned  imperfections  in  some  of 
lis,  and  flattering  themselves  that  some  of  their  own 
people  do  not  have  them  so  conspicuously,  not  realiz- 
ing that  they  all  have  much  greater  vices,  and  that 
the  better  part  of  our  people  do  not  have  even  these 
defects,  they  conclude  generally  that  they  are  supe- 
rior to  all  christians.  It  is  .self-love  that  blinds  them, 
and  the  evil  one  who  leads  them  on,  no  more  nor 
less  than  in  our  France,  we  see  those  who  have  de- 
viated from  the  faith  holding  themselves  higher  and 
boasting  of  being  better  than  the  catholics,  because 
in  some  of  them  they  see  many  faults ;  considering 
neither  the  virtues  of  the  other  catholics,  nor  their 
own  still  greater  imperfections;  wishing  to  have,  like 
Cyclops,  only  a  single  eye,  and  to  fix  that  one  upon 
the  vices  of  a  few  catholics,  never  upon  the  virtues 
of  the  others,  nor  upon  themselves,  unless  it  be  for 
the  purpose  of  self-deception. 

Also  they  [the  savages]  consider  themselves  more 
ingenious,  inasmuch  as  they  see  us  admire  some  of 
their  productions  as  the  work  of  people  so  rude  and 
ignorant;  [33]  lacking  intelligence,  they  bestow  very 
little  admiration  upon  what  we  show  them,  although 
much  more  worthy  of  being  admired.  Hence  they 
regard  themselves  as  much  richer  than  we  are,  al- 
though they  are  poor  and  wretched  in  the  extreme. 

Cacagous,  of  whom  I  have  already  spoken,  is  quite 
gracious  when  he  is  a  little  elated  about  something; 
to  show  his  kindly  feelings  toward  the  French  he 
boasts  of  his  willingness  to  go  and  see  the  King,  and 
to  take  him  a  present  of  a  hundred  beaver  skins, 
proudly  suggesting  that  in  so  doing  he  will  make 
him  richer  than  all  his  predecessors.     They  get  this 


m\A 


I 


W 


I   iiii 


F 


i  if  l^^ 


r 


176 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


% 


'I" 


i( 


lil 


cause  anssy  de  ce  jugement  leur  vient  de  1 'extreme 
et  bruslante  convoitise  de  leurs  castors  qu'ils  voyent 
regner  en  quelqiies-uns  des  nostres. 

Non  moins  plaisant  est  le  discours  d'lin  certain 
Sagamo,  qui  ayant  ouy  raconter  de  M.  de  Potrincourt, 
que  le  Roy  estoit  jeune  et  \\.  marier:  "Peut-estre,  dit- 
il,  luy  pourray-je  donner  ma  fille  pour  femme ;  mais, 
selon  les  us  et  coustumes  du  pays,  il  faudroit  que  le 
Roy  lui  St  de  grands  presens:  syavoir,  quatre  ou 
cinq  barriques  de  pain,  trois  de  pois  ou  de  febves,  un 
de  petun,  quatre  ou  cinq  chapots  de  cent  sols  pil'ce, 
avec  quelques  arcs,  flesches,  harpons,  et  .semblables 
denr^es." 

Voyl^  les  marques  de  I'esprit  de  cette  nation,  qui 
est  fort  pen  peupl^e,  principalement  les  Soriquois  et 
Etechemins  qui  avoysinent  la  mer,  combien  que  [34] 
Membertou  as.sure  qu'en  sa  jeunesse  il  a  veu  chitno- 
iiHtz,  c'est-^-dire  des  Sauvages  aussi  dru  sem^s  que 
les  cheveux  de  la  teste.  On  tient  qu'ils  sont  ainsi 
diminues  depuis  que  les  Fran9ois  ont  commence  k  y 
hanter:  car,  depuis  ce  temps-Ik,  ils  ne  font  tout  Teste 
que  manger;  d'ou  vient  que,  prenant  une  tout  autre 
habitude,  et  amassant  de  humeurs,  I'aiitomne  et  I'hy- 
ver  ils  payent  leurs  intemperies  par  pleuresies,  esqui- 
nances,  flux  de  sang,  qui  les  font  mourir.  Seulement 
cette  annee,  soixante  en  sont  morts  au  Cap  de  la 
Heve,  qui  est  la  plus  grande  partie  de  ce  qu'ils  y 
estoient ;  et  neantmoins  personne  du  petit  peuple  de 
M.  de  Potrincourt  n'a  estd  seulement  malade,  nonob- 
.stant  toute  I'indigence  qu'ils  ont  paty;  ce  qui  a  faict 
appreliender  les  Sauvages  que  Dieu  nous  deffend  et 
protege  comme  son  peuple  particulier  et  bien-aym^. 

Ce  que  je  dis  de  cette  rarete  d'habitants  de  cette 


iwaaaMiiiir^"^ 


1610-18] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  T/ONS 


177 


idea  from  the  extreme  covetousness  and  eagerness 
which  our  people  display  to  obtain  their  beaver  skins. 

Not  less  amusing  is  the  remark  of  a  certain  Saga- 
more, who,  having  heard  M.  de  Potrincourt  say  that 
the  King  was  young  and  unmarried:  "  Perhaps,"  said 
he,  "  I  may  let  him  marry  my  daughter;  but  accord- 
ing to  the  usages  and  customs  of  the  country,  the  King 
must  make  mc  some  handsome  presents  ;  namely, 
four  or  five  barrels  of  bread,  three  of  peas  or  beans, 
one  of  tobacco,  four  or  five  cloaks  worth  one  hundred 
sous  apiece,  bows,  arrows,  harpoons,  and  other  similar 
articles." 

Such  are  the  marks  of  intelligence  in  the  people  of 
these  countries,  which  are  very  spar.sely  populated, 
especially  those  of  the  Soriquois  and  Etechemins, 
which  are  near  the  sea ;  although  [34]  Membertou  as- 
sures us  that  in  his  youth  he  has  seen  chimomitz,  that  is 
to  say,  Savages,  as  thickly  planted  there  as  the  hairs 
upon  his  head.  It  is  maintained  that  they  have  thus 
diminished  since  the  French  have  begun  to  frequent 
their  countr)^;  for,  since  then  they  do  nothing  all 
summer  but  eat ;  and  the  result  is  that,  adopting  an 
entirely  different  custom  and  thus  breeding  new 
diseases,  they  pay  for  their  indulgence  during  the 
autumn  and  winter  by  pleurisy,  quinsy  and  dysen- 
tery, which  kill  them  off.  During  this  year  alone 
sixty  have  died  at  Cape  de  la  Have,  which  is  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  lived  there ;  yet  not  one  of 
all  M.  de  Potrincourt's  little  colony  has  even  been 
sick,  notwithstanding  all  the  privations  they  have 
suffered ;  which  has  caused  the  Savages  to  apprehend 
that  God  protects  and  defends  us  as  his  favorite  and 
well-beloved  people. 

What  I  say  about  the  sparseness  of  the  population 


I' 

'I   .;* 


I*; 
fir  \ 

,        'I 

•i  lil 


rrr- 


t 


178 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


) 


iiili 


contree,  se  doict  entendre  de  ceux  qui  paroissent  en 
la  coste  de  la  mer;  car,  dans  le.s  terres,  principale- 
ment  des  Etechemins,  11  y  a  force  peiiple,  a  ce  qii'on 
dit.  Toutes  ces  choses  conjoinctes  avec  la  difficulte 
du  langage,  le  temps  qu'il  y  faiidra  consommer,  les 
despends  qu'il  y  faudra  faire,  les  grandes  incommo- 
ditez  et  labeurs  et  disettes  qu'il  faudra  endurer,  de- 
clarent  assez  la  grandeur  de  cette  entreprise,  et  les 
difficultes  qui  la  pourront  traverser.  Toutes  [35]  fois 
plusieurs  choses  m'encouragent  k  la  poursuite  d'icelle. 

Premierement  I'esperance  que  j'ay  en  la  bont6  et 
providence  de  Dieu.  Esaie  nous  assure  que  le  roy- 
aume  de  nostre  Redempteur  doict  estre  recognu  par 
toute  la  terre,  et  qu'il  ne  doict  avoir  ni  antres  de  dra- 
gons, ni  cavernes  de  basilisques,  ni  rochers  inacces- 
sibles,  ni  abysmes  tant  profonds  que  son  humanite 
n'adoucisse,  son  salut  ne  guerisse,  son  abondance  ne 
fertilise,  son  humility  ^  •  surbausse,  et  enfin  que  sa 
croix  ne  triomphe  victorieusement.  Et  pour  quoy 
n'esperay-je  que  le  temps  est  venu  auquel  cette  pro- 
phetic doict  estre  accomplie  en  ces  quartiers  ?  Que 
si  cela  est,  qu'y  a-t-il  de  tant  difficile  que  nostre  Dieu 
ne  puisse  faciliter  ? 

En  second  lieu,  je  mets  la  consideration  du  Roy 
nostre  Sire.  C'est  un  Roy  qui  nous  promet  rien  de 
moindre  que  le  feu  Roy  son  pere  I'incomparable 
Henri  le  Grand.  Get  oeuvre  a  commence  avec  son 
reigne,  et  pent  on  dire  que  depiiis  cent  annees  la 
France  s'cst  approprie  ce  pays,  ou  en  a  si  veritable- 
ment  pris  possession,  ny  tant  faict,  que  depuis  son 
reigne,  que  Dieu  remplisse  de  toutes  benedictions. 
II  ne  voudra  permettre  que  son  nom  et  ses  arnies 
paroissent  en  ces  regions  avec  le  pagani.sme,  son  au- 


I 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


179 


of  these  countries  must  be  understood  as  referring  to 
the  people  who  live  upon  the  coast;  for  farther  in- 
land, principally  among  the  Etechemins,  there  are, 
it  is  said,  a  great  many  people.  All  these  things, 
added  to  the  difficulty  of  acquiring  the  language,  the 
time  that  must  be  consumed,  the  expenses  that  must 
be  incurred,  the  great  distress,  toil  and  poverty  that 
must  be  endured,  fully  proclaim  the  greatness  of  this 
enterprise  and  the  difficulties  which  beset  it.  Yet 
[35  I  many  things  encourage  me  to  continue  in  it. 

First,  my  trust  in  the  goodness  and  providence  of 
God.  Isaiah  assures  us  that  the  kingdom  of  our 
Redeemer  shall  be  recognized  througiiout  the  earth ; 
and  that  there  shall  be  neither  caves  of  dragons 
nor  dens  of  cockatrices,  nor  inaccessible  rocks,  nor 
abysses  .so  deep,  that  his  grace  will  not  soften  and  his 
salvation  cure,  his  abundance  fertilize,  his  humility 
raise  up,  and  over  which  his  cross  will  not  at  last 
victoriously  triumph.  And  why  shall  I  not  hope 
that  the  time  has  come  when  this  prophecy  is  to  be 
fulfilled  in  these  lands  ?  If  that  be  so,  what  can  there 
be  .so  difficult  that  our  Lord  cannot  make  it  easy  ? 

In  the  second  place,  I  rely  upon  the  King,  our  Sire. 
He  is  a  Sovereign  who  promises  us  nothing  less  than 
the  late  King,  his  father,  the  incomparable  Henry 
the  Great.  This  work  began  in  the  latter's  reign, 
and  it  may  be  said  that  in  the  century  since  France 
has  appropriated  this  country,  f^r  has  so  completely 
taken  possession  of  it,  there  has  not  been  so  much  ac- 
complished at  any  time  as  .since  our  present  king  be- 
came sovereign ;  may  God  fill  his  reign  with  all 
blessings.  He  will  not  permit  his  name  and  arms  to 
stand  in  these  regions  side  by  side  with  paganism, 
his  authority  with  barbarism,  his  renown  with  sav- 


"1 


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180 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


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thorite  avec  la  barbaric,  sa  renomm6e  avec  la  sauva- 
gine,  son  pouvoir  avec  rindigence,  [36]  sa  foy  avec 
manquement,  ses  subjects  sans  ayde  ni  secours.  Sa 
mere  aussy,  une  autre  Reyne  Blanche,  visant  k  la 
gloire  de  Dieu,  contemplera  ces  deserts  et  nouveliers 
siens,  ou,  au  commencement  de  sa  Regence,  le  coutre 
de  I'Evangile  a  par  son  moyen  ouvert  queique  espe- 
rance  de  moisson,  et  se  souviendra  de  ce  que  le  feu 
Roy,  grand  de  sagesse  aussi  bien  que  de  valeur,  pro- 
nonga  au  Sieur  de  Potrincourt  venant  en  ce  pays: 
"AUez,  dit-il,  je  trace  I'edifice;  mon  fils  le  bastira." 
Ce  que  nous  supplions  vostre  Reverence  de  luy  re- 
presenter,  et  ensemble  le  bon  oeuvre  que  leurs  Ma- 
jestds  peuvent  faire  en  ces  quartiers,  si  c'estoit  lear 
bon  playsir  de  fonder  et  donner  queique  honneste 
revenu  "k  cette  residence,  de  laquelle  se  pourroit 
s'epandre  par  toute  cette  contr^e  ceux  qui  y  seroyent 
esleves  et  entretenus. 

Voylk  le  second  fondement  de  nostre  esperance, 
auquel  j'adjousteray  la  piet6  et  largesse  que  nous 
avons  experimente  sur  nostre  depart  es-seigneurs  et 
dames  de  cette  tres-noble  et  tres-chrestienne  cour, 
me  promettant  qu'ils  ne  voudront  manquer  de  favo- 
riser  de  leurs  moyens  cette  entreprise,  pour  ne  perdre 
ce  que  desjk  ils  y  ont  employ^,  ce  qui  leur  sert  d'ares 
de  gloire  et  de  felicite  immortelle  devant  Dieu, 

M.  de  Potrincourt,  Seigneur  doux  et  equitable, 
[37]  vaillant,  ame  et  experiment^  en  ces  quartiers,  et 
M.  de  Biancourt  son  fils,  imitateur  des  vertus  et 
belles  qualitez  de  son  pere,  tous  deux  zel6s  au  service 
de  Dieu,  qui  nous  honorent  et  cherissent  plus  que 
nous  ne  meritons,  nous  donnent  aussi  grand  courage 
de  nous  employer  en  ceste  ouvrage  de  tout  nOvStre 
pouvoir. 


>tre 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


181 


agery,  his  power  with  poverty,  [36]  his  faith  with  lack 
of  works,  nor  leave  his  subjects  without  aid  or  succor. 
His  mothc  also,  another  Queen  Blanche,'*^  looking 
to  the  glory  of  God,  will  contemplate  these  lately- 
acquired  wildernesses,  where  in  the  beginning  of 
her  Regency  the  Gospel  plough  has,  through  her  in- 
strumentality, created  some  hope  of  a  harvest;  and 
will  recall  what  the  late  King,  great  in  wisdom  as 
well  as  in  courage,  said  to  Sieur  de  Potrincourt  when 
he  came  to  this  country:  "  Go,"  said  he.  "  I  plan 
the  edifice;  my  son  will  build  it."  We  beg  your 
Reverence  to  lay  this  matter  before  him,  together 
with  the  work  which  might  be  done  by  their  Majesties 
in  these  lands,  if  it  were  their  good  pleasure  to  en- 
dow and  to  give  a  fair  revenue  to  this  mission,  from 
which  all  those  who  would  be  educated  and  main- 
tained here  might  go  forth  through  the  whole  country. 

That  is  the  second  resource  upon  which  our  hopes 
are  founded ;  to  which  I  will  add  the  piety  and  lib- 
erality which  we  experienced  upon  our  departure 
from  the  lords  and  ladies  of  this  most  noble  and  most 
christian  court,  who  promised  me  that  they  would 
not  fail  to  assist  this  enterprise  with  their  means,  in 
order  not  to  lose  what  tlj.ey  have  already  invested  in 
it,  which  .serves  them  as  monuments  of  glory  and  of 
eternal  happiness  before  God. 

M.  de  Potrincourt,  a  mild  and  upright  Gentleman, 
[37]  brave,  beloved  and  well-known  in  these  parts,  and 
M.  de  Biancourt,  his  son,  who  reflects  the  virtues  and 
good  qualities  of  his  father,  both  zealous  in  serving 
God,  and  who  honor  and  cherish  us  more  than  we 
deserve,  also  encourage  us  in  devoting  all  our  energy 
to  this  work. 

Finally,  we  are  encouraged  by  the  situation  and 


nt 


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11 


182 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


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Finalement,  I'assiete  et  condition  de  ce  lieu,  qui 
promet  beaucoup  pour  1' usage  de  la  vij  humaine,  s'il 
est  cultiv6,  et  sa  beaute,  qui  me  fait  esmerveiller  de 
ce  qu'il  a  est6  si  peu  recherche  jusques  ^  maintenant, 
ovi  est  ce  port  ou  nous  sommes,  fort  propre  pour  d' icy- 
nous  estendre  aux  Armouchiquois,  Iroquois  et  Mon- 
tagnes,  nos  voisins,  qui  sont  grands  peuples,  et  labou- 
rent  les  terres  comme  nous;  ce  lieu,  dis-je,  nous  fait 
esperer  quelque  chose  k  I'advenir.  Que  si  nos  Sou- 
riquois  sont  peu,  ils  se  peuvent  peupler;  s'ils  sont 
sauvages,  c'est  pour  les  domestiquer  et  civiliser  qu'on 
vient  icy;  s'ils  sont  rudes,  nous  ne  devons  point  estre 
pour  cela  paresseux;  s'ils  ont  jusqu'ici  peu  p^ofit6, 
ce  n'est  merveille,  ce  seroit  rigueur  d'exiger  si  tost 
fruict  d'un  gref,  et  demander  sens  et  barbe  d'un 
enfant. 

P.:ur  conclusion,  nous  esperons  avec  le  temps  les 
rendre  susceptible  de  la  doctrine  de  la  foy  et  religion 
chrestienne  et  catholique,  et  apres,  passer  [38]  plus 
avant  aux  regions  de  degk  plus  habitees  et  cultiv6es, 
comme  diet  est;  esperance  que  nous  appuyons  sur 
la  bont6  et  misericorde  de  Dieu,  sur  le  zele  et  fer- 
vente  charit6  de  tons  les  gens  de  bien  qui  affectueuse- 
ment  desirent  le  royaume  de  Dieu,  particulierement 
sur  les  sainctes  prieres  de  Vostre  Reverence  et  de 
nos  RR.  PP.  et  tres-chers  FF.  auxquels  tres-aflfectu- 
eusement  nous  nous  recommandons. 

Du  Port- Royal  en  la  Nouvelle- France,  ce  dixiesme 
juin  mil  six  cents  onze. 

Pierre  BIARD. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


183 


condition  of  this  place,  which,  if  it  is  cultivated, 
promises  to  furnish  a  great  deal  for  the  needs  of 
human  life ;  and  its  beauty  causes  me  to  wonder  that 
it  has  been  so  little  sought  up  to  the  present  time. 
From  this  port  where  we  now  are,  it  is  very  conven- 
ient for  us  to  spread  out  to  the  Armouchiquois,  Iro- 
quois, and  Montagn?is,  our  neighbors,  which  are 
populous  nations  and  till  the  soil  as  we  do ;  this  situ- 
ation, I  say,  makes  us  hope  something  for  the  future. 
For,  if  our  Souriquois  are  few,  they  may  become 
numerous;  if  they  are  savages,  it  is  to  domesticate 
and  civilize  them  that  we  have  come  here;  if  they 
are  rude,  that  is  no  reason  that  we  should  be  idle;  if 
they  have  until  now  profited  little,  it  is  no  wonder, 
for  it  would  be  too  much  to  expect  fruit  from  this 
grafting,  and  to  demand  reason  and  maturity  from  a 
child. 

In  conclusion,  we  hope  in  time  to  make  them  sus- 
ceptible of  receiving  the  doctrines  of  the  faith  and  of 
the  christian  and  catholic  religion,  and  later,  to  pen- 
etrate [38]  farther  into  the  regions  beyond,  which  they 
say  are  more  populous  and  better  cultivated.  We 
base  this  hope  upon  Divine  goodness  and  mercy, 
upon  the  zeal  and  fervent  charity  of  all  good  people 
who  earnestly  desire  the  kingdom  <)f  God,  particular- 
ly upon  the  holy  prayers  of  Your  Reverence  and  of 
our  Reverend  Fathers  and  very  dear  Brothers,  to 
whom  we  most  affectionately  commend  ourselves. 

From  Port  Royal,  New  France,  this  tenth  day  of 
June,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eleven. 

Pierre  BIARD. 


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184 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J ASUITES  [Vol.  1 


[39]    Lettre  du  Pere  Ennemond  Masse  au 
Claude  Aquaviva,  General  de  la 
Compagnie  de  Jesus. 

{Traduite  sttr  l' original  latin.) 


R.  P. 


1 


■A 


Port-Royal,  10  juin  161 1. 

MON  TRES-REVEREND  PfeRE, 
Pax  Christi. 
Si  Votre  Paternity  a  vu  avec  plaisir  ma  lettre 
du  13  octobre,  j'en  ai  ^prouve  bien  davantage  h.  rece- 
voir  la  sienne  du  7  decembre;  d'autant  plus  que  je 
suis  le  premier  de  la  Compagnie  qui  ait  regu  la  pre- 
miere lettre  que  Votre  Paternity  ait  jamais  envoyee 
au  Canada.  Je  prends  ce  fait  comme  un  heureux  au- 
gure,  et  je  raccepte  comme  venant  du  ciel,  pour 
m' exciter  a  courir  avec  fervcur  dans  la  carrttre,  afin  de 
meriter  et  de  recevoir  le  prix  de  cette  vocation  a'lcstc,  et 
enfin  de  me  sacrifier  moi-meme  plus  promptement  et 
plus  completement  pour  le  salut  de  ces  peuples. 

Je  vous  I'avoue;  fai  dit  alors  franchement  ^  Dieu: 
Me  void :  Si  vous  choisissez  ce  qii  il  y  a  de  faible  et  de 
indprisable  dans  ce  inonde,  pour  renvcrser  [40]  et  di'trtdre 
ce  qui  est  fort,  vous  trouverez  tout  cela  dans  Enne- 
mond. Me  void:  envoyez-inoi,  et  rendea  ma  langue  et 
ma  parole  intelligible,  afin  que  je  ne  sois  pas  bar  bare  pour 
ceux  qui  m'entendront. 

Vos  prieres,  j'en  ai  la  confiance,  ne  seront  pas  sans 
succes,  comme  semble  le  presager  notre  arrivee  ici, 
le  tres-saint  jour  de  la  Pentecote.  Nous  sommes  faibles 
en  y^sus-Christ,  inais,  je  I'espere,  nous  vivrons  avec  lui 


"°*.^,, 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


186 


[39]    Letter  from  Father  Ennemond  Masse  to  Rev- 
erend Father  Claude  Aquaviva,  General 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

( Translated  from  the  Latin  original. ) 

Port  Royal,  June  10,  161 1. 

MY  Very  Reverend  Father, 
The  peace  of  Christ  be  with  you. 
If  Your  Reverence  read  with  pleasure  my 
letter  of  October  13th,  I  feU  a  great  deal  more  in 
receiving  yours  of  December  7th,  especially  as  I  am 
the  first  of  the  Society  to  receive  from  Your  Reverence 
the  first  letter  which  you  have  ever  sent  to  Canada. 
I  take  this  event  as  a  happy  omen,  and  accept  it  as 
coming  from  heaven,  to  incite  me  to  run  zvith  ardor 
in  the  race,  in  order  to  merit  and  receive  tJie  reward 
of  this  heavenly  vocation,  and  to  sacrifice  myself  more 
promptly  and  more  completely  for  the  salvation  of 
these  people. 

I  admit  to  you  that  I  said  then  freely  to  God :  Here 
I  am;  if  you  choose  what  is  weak  and  despicable  in  this 
world  to  overthrow  [40]  a7td  destroy  that  which  is  strong, 
you  will  find  all  this  in  Ennemond.  Here  I  am  ;  setid 
me,  and  make  my  tongue  and  my  words  intelligible,  so  that 
I  may  not  be  a  barbarian  to  those  who  ivill  hear  me. 

Your  prayers,  I  am  sure,  will  not  be  in  vain,  as  our 
arrival  here  upon  the  most  holy  day  of  Pentecost 
seems  to  presage.  We  are  weak  in  Jesus  Christ,  but,  I 
hope,  %ue  shall  live  ivith  him  by  the  pozver  of  God.     It  is 


11  I'll 


m 


186 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


par  la  force  de  Dicu.  Que  Votre  Paternity,  je  Ten  con- 
jure, obtienne  par  ses  saintes  pri^res  et  ses  saints 
sacrifices,  que  le  Seigneur  accomplisse  toutes  ces 
choses  en  nous. 

Le  fils  indigne  en  J^sus-Christ  de  la  Compagnie  de 
J^sus. 

Ennemond  masse. 

Port-Royal,  dans  la  Nouvelle-France,  le    lo  juin 
1611. 


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1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


187 


my  earnest  entreaty  that  Your  Reverence,  by  your 
prayers  and  holy  sacrifices,  may  prevail  upon  the  Lord 
to  accomplish  all  these  things  in  us. 

The  unworthy  son  in  Jesus  Christ,  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus, 

Ennemond  masse. 
Port  Royal,  New  France,  June  lo,  1611. 


■    ' 


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LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


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[41]    Lettre  du  P.  Pierre  Biard,  au  T.-R.  P.  Claude 

Aquaviva,  General  de  la  Compa- 

gnie  de  Jesus. 

(Traduite  sur  I' original  latin.) 

Port-Royal,  ii  juin  161 1. 

MON  TRfeS-R^VIsKENl)  PeRE, 
Pax  Christi. 
Aprfes  quatre  mois  d'lme  navigation  vraiment 
tr^spenible  et  tres-p^rilleuse,  nous  sommes  enfin  ar- 
rives, grace  k  la  protection  de  Dieu  et  aux  priferes  de 
Votre  Paternit(S,  h.  Port-Royal,  dans  cette  Nouvelle- 
France,  terme  de  notre  voyage. 

Nous  avons  en  effet  quitte  Dieppe  le  26  Janvier  de 
cette  ann^e  161 1,  et  nous  sommes  arrives  cette  meme 
annee  le  22  mai.  Je  donne  en  fran9ais  au  R.  P.  Pro- 
vincial la  relation  de  toute  notre  entreprise  et  de 
I'etat  oil  nous  avons  trouve  les  choses  ici.  C'est  ce 
qui  me  paraissait  plus  urgent  et  plus  utile,  puisque 
j'etais  dans  1' impossibility  de  le  faire  en  meme  temps 
en  latin.  Je  ne  me  suis  pas  encore  arrete  huit  jours 
k  Port- Royal,  et  tout  le  temps  est  [42]  absorbe  par  des 
interruptions  continuelles  et  par  les  n^cessit6s  de  la 
vie.  Au  reste,  le  P.  Masse  et  moi,  nous  nous  por- 
tons  assez  bien,  grace  h.  Dieu:  mais  il  nous  a  fallu 
prendre  un  serviteur  pour  les  travaux  mat^riels. 
Nous  ne  pouvions  nous  en  passer  sans  un  grand  detri- 
ment pour  r  esprit  et  pour  le  coeur. 

M.  de  Potrincourt,  qui  commande  ici  au  nom  du  Roi, 
nous  aime  et  nous  estime  en  proportion  de  sa  piete. 


101(>-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


189 


[41]    Letter  from  Father  Pierre  Biard,  to  the  Very 
Reverend  Father  Claude  Aquaviva,  Gen- 
eral of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

{^Translated from  the  Latin  original,) 


Port  Royal,  June  11,  161 1. 

MY  Very  Reverend  Father, 
The  peace  of  ChrivSt  be  with  you. 
After  four  months  of  very  painful  and  perilous 
navigation,  we  have  at  lavSt  arrived,  thanks  to  the 
protection  of  God  and  to  the  prayers  of  Your  Rever- 
ence, at  Port  Royal,  in  New  France,  the  end  of  our 
journey. 

In  truth  we  left  Dieppe  the  26th  of  January  this 
year,  161 1,  and  arrived  May  22nd  of  this  same  year. 
I  am  giving  to  the  Reverend  Father  Provincial  the 
narrative  in  French  of  our  whole  undertaking,  and 
of  the  condition  in  which  we  found  things  here. 
This  seemed  to  me  the  more  necessary  and  useful,  as 
it  was  impossible  for  me  to  write  it  at  the  same  time 
in  Latin.  I  have  not  yet  been  settled  a  week  in  Port 
Royal,  and  all  the  time  has  [42]  been  taken  up  by  con- 
tinual interruptions  and  in  providing  the  necessities 
of  life.  As  to  ourselves,  Father  Masse  and  I,  we  are 
feeling  very  well,  thank  God ;  but  we  have  been 
obliged  to  take  a  servant  to  do  the  drudgery.  We 
could  not  dispense  with  one  without  a  great  deal  of 
anxiety  and  trouble. 

M.  de  Potrincourt,  who  commands  here  in  the 
name  of  the  King,  loves  and  esteems  us  in  propor- 
tion to  his  piety. 


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LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


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\ 


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A  la  premiere  occasion  nous  nous  empresserons, 
avec  la  grace  de  Dieu,  de  dire  quelles  sont  nos  esp6- 
rances  de  succfes. 

Le  vaisseau  s'est  d6jJi  61oign6,  Je  vais  ctre  obligd 
d'aller  le  rejoindre  en  canot,  pour  qu'il  ne  parte  sans 
mes  lettres. 

Je  conjure  Votre  Paternity,  par  les  m^rites  de  J6- 
sus-Christ,  de  se  souvenir  de  nous  et  de  ces  contrees 
tr^s-solitaires,  et  de  venir  \  notre  secours,  autant 
qu'elle  le  pourra,  non-seulement  par  le  moyen  des 
prieres  tr?;s-ferventes  de  notre  Compagnie,  mais  aussi 
par  la  benediction  et  les  faveurs  de  notre  Saint-Pfere 
le  Pape  (comme  je  les  ai  ddjk  demandees). 

Assur^ment  nous  semons  dans  une  grande  pau- 
vrete  et  dans  les  larmes ;  daignc  le  Seigneur  nous  ac- 
corder  de  moi?sonner  un  jour  dans  la  joie.  C'est  ce 
qui  arrivera,  comme  je  I'espbre  et  comme  je  I'ai  [43] 
dit,  grace  aux  prieres  et  aux  benedictions  de  Votre 
""aternite,  que  je  sollicite  humblement, 

de  Votre  Paternite, 
Le  fils  et  serviteur  indigne, 

Pierre  BIARD,  SJ. 

A  Port- Royal,  dans  la  Nouvelle- France,  ou  Cana- 
da, le  II  de  juin  161 1. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


101 


We  shall  take  the  first  opportunity  to  impart  to  you 
what  may  be,  by  the  grace  of  God,  our  prospects  of 
success  in  this  country. 

The  ship  has  already  gone,  I  shall  be  obliged  to 
overtake  it  in  a  canoe,  that  it  may  not  leave  without 
my  letters. 

I  conjure  Your  Reverence,  through  the  merits  of 
Jesus  Christ,  to  remember  us  and  these  solitary 
lands,  and  to  come  to  our  aid  in  so  far  as  you  are 
able,  not  only  by  the  fervent  prayers  of  our  Society, 
but  also  by  the  blessing  and  favor  of  our  Holy  Father 
the  Pope  (which  I  have  already  invoked).  Surely  we 
sow  in  great  poverty  and  in  tears;  may  the  Lord 
grant  that  we  some  day  reap  in  joy.  Which  will 
come  to  pass,  as  I  hope  and  have  said,  [43]  through 
the  prayers  and  blessings  of  Your  Reverence,  which 
are  humbly  solicited  by  your 

Unworthy  son  and  servant, 

Pierre  BIARD,  S.J. 
Port    Royal,    New  France,  or   Canada,   June    11, 
1611. 


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VH 

JouvENCY's   Canadic/e   MissioNis  Relatio 

ROME:  GIORGIO  PLACKO,  1710 


Source:  We  follow  the  general  style  of  O'Callaghan's 
Reprint  No.  4.  The  Title-page,  Eulogy  of  Biard,  and 
Table  of  Contents,  are  the  work  of  that  Editor.  The 
Text,  and  List  of  Missions  in  1710,  he  reprinted  from 
Jouvency's  Historia  Socictatis  Jesii  (Rome,  1710),  part 
v.,  pp.  321-325,  961,  062;  the  proof  of  these  we  have 
read  from  a  copy  of  that  work,  found  in  the  library  of 
the  College  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  New  York.  The 
bracketed  pagination  in  Arabic  figures  is  that  of  Jou- 
vency;  that  in  Roman,  of  O'Callaghan. 


\ 


I 


(I 


fi: 


^f?r 


1 

1     ^ 

*       ! 

f 

( 

1 

CANADIC^ 

M  ISSIONIS 

RELATIO 


) 


A 


y 


:l, 


^^  anno  i6ii  «/'^«f'  ad  annum  1613,  cum  fiatu 
ejufdem  MiJJionis,  annis  1703  6'  17 10, 

Auctore  Josepho  Juvencio,  Societatis 
Jefu,  Sacerdote, 


Ex  Hiftoriae  Soc.  Jefu.  Lib.  xv.  Part,  v,  imprefTa 


f 


ROMuE 

Ex  Typographia  Georgii  Plachi 

M.  D.  CC.  X. 


I 


1' 

1 


i 
I 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE 

CANADIAN 

MISSION 


From  the  year  i6i  i  tintil  the  year  1613,  ivith  the 

condition  of  the  same  Mission  in  the 

years  1703  and  17 10, 

By  Joseph  Jouvency,  a  Priest  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus. 


I 


' 


Printed  from  the  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
Book  XV.,  Part  v. 

ROME 

From  the  Press  of  Giorgio  Placko 
1 710. 


V 


I  lit 


t 


^ .-  K 


'h 


t 

I 


■|l 


196 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.  1 


[i]    P.  Petri  Biardi  Eulogium  ac  Vita. 


) 


\^\ 


<     /! 


r 


DE  Patre  Petro  Biardo  qui  tantam  in  Miflione 
Canadica  inchoanda  partem  geffit  haec  fcribit 
Pater  Jofephus  Juvencius  in  fua  Hiftoria  fub  anno 
1622. 

"Ex  omnibus  qui  hoc  anno  vivere  in  provincia 
Lugdunenfi  defierunt,  ludtu  maximo  elatus  eft  Aveni- 
one  P.  Petrus  Biardus  (^ratianopolitanus.  Religi- 
onis  propagandae  ftudio  navigaverat  ad  barbaros 
Canadenfes,  fueratque  inter  primos  ejus  terrae  culto- 
res,  ut  in  quinta  parte  narratum  eft.  Inde  pulfus  ab 
haereticis  Anglis,  &  redire  in  Galliam  coadtus,  totum 
fe  impendit  [ii]  juvandis  popularibus  fuis,  quorum 
ut  faluti  confuleret,  nihil  fibi  reliqui  ad  laborem 
diligentiamque  faciebat.  Ejus  tanien  induftriam  ex- 
perti  maxime  funt  Parodienfes  in  prsefectura  Caroli- 
tana,  quam  civitatem  per  ufitata  ordinis  minifteria 
diu  coluit.  Noviffime  regionis  praefcdtus  Marchio 
Ragnius,  juflus  a  rege  copias  in  Campaniam  ducere 
contra  Erneftum  Manffeldium  Galliae  finibus  immi- 
nentem,  Biardum  fibi  adfciverat  comitem  expedi- 
tionis,  &  facrorum  miniftrum.  Per  eam  occafionem 
nefcias,  utrum  fpedlata  magis  fit  apoftolici  viri  chari- 
tas,  an  patienta.  Magna  erat  in  caftris  inopia  com- 
meatuum.  Diaria  militibus  praebebantur  adeo  ma- 
ligne,  ut  nonnulli  fame  perirent.     Biardus  cibario,  & 


^^1     f 


■■■ 


1 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


197 


[i]    Eulogy  and  Life  of  Father  Peter  Biard. 


& 


CONCERNING   Father   Peter    Biard,  who  per- 
formed so  great  a  part  in  the  establishment  of 
the  Canadian  Mission,  Father  Joseph  Juvency^" 
writes  these  things  in  his  History,  under  the  year 
1622: 

' '  Of  all  who  during  the  present  year  have  departed 
this  life  in  the  province  of  Lyons,  the  most  regretted 
was  Father  Peter  Biard,  of  Grenoble,  who  was 
taken  away  at  Avignon.  With  the  desire  of  propagat- 
ing religion,  he  had  journeyed  to  the  barbarous 
Canadians,  and  had  been  among  the  first  settlers  of 
that  country,  as  has  been  narrated  in  the  fifth  part  (of 
this  volume).  Upon  being  driven  thence  by  the  heret- 
ical English,  and  compelled  to  return  to  France,  he  en- 
tirely devoted  himself  [  ii  ]  to  the  service  of  his  coun- 
trymen; and,  that  he  might  provide  for  their  salva- 
tion, in  no  respect  showed  himself  deficient  either  in 
labor  or  diligence.  His  industry,  however,  was  espe- 
ciaUy  enjoyed  by  the  Paray  le  Monial,  in  the  prefec- 
ture of  Charolles,  which  community  he  long  served 
with  the  customary  ministrations  of  the  order.  Fi- 
nally, the  prefect  of  the  district,  Marchio  Ragne,  upon 
being  ordered  by  the  king  to  lead  troops  into  Cam- 
pania against  Ernest  von  Mansfeld,'*^'  who  was  threaten- 
ing the  frontiers  of  France,  had  selected  Biard  as  his 
companion  during  the  expedition,  and  as  a  minister 
of  sacred  rites.  Upon  that  occasion  one  would  doubt 
whether  the  charity  of  the  apostolic  man,  or  his  pa- 
tience, were  the  more  remarkable.  There  was  in  the 
camp  a  great  scarcity  of  provisions.     Rations  were  so 


Ji 


ill 


I' 


|| 


; 


r',1 
/.It 


* 


A 


198 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


demenfum  fuum,  ac  fiquid  prseterea  pecuniolae  a  diti- 
oribus  emendicando  corrogaffet,  inter  egentiffimos 
militum  partiebatur,  fe  ipfum  f randans  diurno  vidtu, 
ut  aliis  benigne  faceret.  Avenionem  concelTerat 
[iii]  deniqiie,  ut  attritas  tot  laboribus  vires  paiicorura 
dierum  otio  reficeret.  Verum  quafi  divinans,  inllare 
fibi  omnium  laborum  &  vitae  finem,  totum  illud 
tempiis  impendit  excolendo  piis  commentationibus 
animo  inter  tirones,  feque  ad  primam  tirocinii  formam 
fenex  emeritus  ita  compofuit,  ut  nullam  omitteret 
carum  exercitationum,  quibus  ad  fui  mundique  con- 
temptum  erudiri  folent  novitii.  His  intentum,  ni- 
hilque  jam  praeter  caeleflia  cogitantcm  mors  oppreflit, 
XV.   Cal.  Deccmbris."  ' 

Adhsec  non  inutile  forfan  videbitur  adjicere  quae  ab 
audtore  antiquiore  Philippo  fcilicet  Alegambe  fcripta 
funt  in  Catalogo  Scriptorum  Societatis  Jefu,  fub 
verbo  Biard : 

"Petrus  Biardus  natione  Gallus,  patria  Gratiano- 
politanus,  operarius  magni  zeli,  atque  ade6  multarum 
palmarum,  quas  [iv]  in  horridis  et  inuiis  Canadenfium 
Septentrionalis  Americse  populorum  filuis  primus 
legit.  Extrema  ibi  omnia  palTus,  nihil  tamen  inhu- 
manum  magis,  quam  Haereticos,  expertus  eft.  Feri- 
tatis  oblita  gens  barbara  integerrimi  hominis  inno- 
centiam  venerari  difcebat;  cum  ecce  tibi  fandtitatis 
inimica,  Deumque  nefciens  Haerifis,  cum  Anglis 
Canadae  oras  irrupit ;  difficillimae  expeditionis  ingens 
pretium  fuit,  exofum  inde  abducere  Jefuitam.     Ha- 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TJONS 


199 


lO- 


im 


lUS 


lU- 


;n- 


itift 

jlis 

[ens 

iHa- 


poorly  furnished  to  the  soldiers  that  some  perished 
■with  hunger.  Biard  divided  among  the  most  needy 
of  them,  both  his  own  allowanee  and  whatever  small 
sums  of  money  he  had  colleeted  by  begging  from  the 
more  wealthy,  depriving  himself  of  daily  sustenanee, 
that  he  might  do  a  kindness  to  others.  He  had  re- 
tired to  Avignon.  |iii  |  at  last, that  he  might  with  a  few 
days'  leisure  refresh  his  energies,  which  had  been 
worn  out  by  so  many  toils.  But  divining,  as  it  were, 
that  the  end  of  all  labors  and  of  life  was  at  hand,  he 
spent  all  that  period  in  disciplining  his  spirit  by  pious 
meditations  among  the  novices;  and,  although  an 
aged  man  who  had  served  his  time,  so  adapted  him- 
self to  the  earliest  form  of  the  novitiate,  that  he 
omitted  none  of  those  exercises  by  which  beginners 
are  educated  to  a  contempt  of  themselves  and  of  the 
world.  While  intent  upon  these,  and  already  think- 
ing of  nothing  but  heavenly  things,  death  seized  him 
on  the  17th  day  of  November." 

To  these  things  it  will  perhaps  not  seem  useless  to 
add  what  has  been  written  by  an  earlier  author, 
namely,  Philip  AlegamK  ,'*"in  the  Bibliography  of  the 
Authors  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  under  the  word 
Biard : 

"  Pkter  Biard,  a  French  citizen,  born  in  Grenoble, 
a  laborer  of  great  zeal,  and  of  very  many  laurels 
which  [iv]  he  first  gathered  in  the  dreadful  and  pathless 
forests  of  the  Canadian  tribes  of  North  America.  Al- 
though suffering  there  every  extremity,  he  still  ex- 
perienced nothing  more  brutal  than  the  Heretics. 
The  barbarous  race,  forgetting  its  savageness,  was 
learning  to  venerate  the  character  of  this  most  right- 
eous man;  when,  behold,  Heresy,  hostile  to  holiness 
and  ignorant  of  God.  burst,  together  with  the  Eng- 
lish, upon  the  shores  of  Canada.     The  reward  of  a 


Ill 


..    .    (I 


) 


hi^^ 


200 


LES  RELATIONS  DESjtSUITES         [Vol.  1 


bitus  eft  in  vinculis  aliquamdiu;  &  vix  tandem  in 
Galliam  nudus  ab  omni  remiffus.  IntereS,  ver6  dum 
integrum  illi  effet  ad  noualia  Canada'  redire,  dam- 
num ab  Hsereticis  illatum  fandt^  vltus  eft:  reliquo 
vitae  tempore  quaefiuit  intentiHimis  ftudiis  ad  vitam 
illos,  h.  quibus  ad  necem  addud;us  fuerat.  Docuerat 
olim  Thcologiam  Lugduni,  non  fine  laude.  Reuer- 
fus  h  Miffione  Caftrenfi,  ctim  Auenionem  diuertiflit,  & 
opportunitat'j  temporis  vfus  fecefliffet  in  Nouitiatum, 
in  ipfis  [v]  pene  fpiritualium  Exercitiorum  initiis,  ad 
paradifi  contemplationem,  vt  credimus,  euocatus  eft, 
die  XIX.     Nouembris,  Anno  mdcxxij. 

Praeter  Epiflolam  ad  R.  P.  Priepofituin  Gcneralem  i: 
Portu  Regali,  et  Relationcm  Expeditionis  Angloruni  in 
Canadam,  P.  Biardus  fcripfit  Librttm  pro  au6loritate 
Pontificis,  contra  Martinettum  Miniftrum.  Gallic^ 
etiam  edidit  feorfim  Relationcm  Nova:  FrancicB  &  iti- 
neris  Patruvi  Socie talis  Je/u  ad  illam.  Lugduni  apud 
L.  Muguet,  MDCxvi.  in  12. 


I 


¥: 


\ 


iilP 


41- 


1 


i«ia-i3i 


THE  JESUIT  RKLA  TIONS 


Ml 


very  laborious  expedition  was  great, — to  drive  thence 
the  hated  Jesuit.  For  some  time  he  was  kept  in 
bonds;  and  at  last,  stripped  of  every thinj^,  he  was 
with  difficulty  restored  to  France.  But  meanwhile, 
until  it  was  safe  tr  return  to  the  wilds  of  Canada,  he 
took  vengeance  in  a  holy  manner  for  the  injury  in- 
flicted by  the  Heretics ;  during  the  re.st  of  his  life  he 
sought  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  to  win  to  life 
those  by  whom  he  had  been  devoted  to  death.  He 
had  formerly  taught  Theology  at  Lyons,  not  without 
commendation.  On  his  return  from  the  Military 
Mission,  when  he  had  turned  aside  to  Avignon,  and, 
making  use  of  his  opportunity,  had  retired  into 
the  Novitiate,  in  [v]  almost  the  very  beginning  of  his 
spiritual  Exercises,  he  was  called  away  to  the  con- 
templation of  paradise,  as  we  believe,  on  the  19th 
day  of  November,  in  the  year  1622. 

Besides  a  Letter  to  R.  P.  General  Commander  from 
Port  Royal,  and  An  Account  of  the  Expedition  of  the 
English  against  Canada,  Fdthcr  "Qiaxd  wrote  A  Book  Ad- 
vocating the  authority  of  the  Pp'Uff  against  Martinet,  a 
minister.  In  French,  also  -e  published  separately 
An  Account  of  Neiv  France  ana  of  the  journey  thither  of 
the  Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Lyons,  by  L.  Mu- 
guet,  1616,  in  i2mo." — [O'Callaghan.] 


f  \ 


I 

I 


M 


i   •! 


fa 


1;' 


L 


202 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JJtSUITES  [Voi..  1 


I  I 


) 


I 


■i 


!l 


s 


[vii]    Tabvla  Rervm. 

OCIETAS  Jcfu,   in  Canadatn,  feu  Novain 
Franciam  tndu6la 


II       Inititim   Canadicce  Miffionis,    &"  primi  fruc- 

ZUS  •  •  •  •  • 

III  Doviicilia   Socictatis   &    Miffwnes    in    Nova 

Francia  .... 

IV  Mijfio  Canadcnfis  ah  Anglis  proturbata 

V       Umis   I'    Societate    interficittir ;    alii   Canada 
ejiciuntur  .  »      ,        ,,  , 

VI      Miffwnes  Societatis  Jefii  in  America  fepten- 
trionali,  Anno   1710  .  .  , 


Pag. 
5 

7 

18 

25 

37 


1^ 


I*/: 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


203 


T 


II 
III 

IV 

,  "St 

VI 


[vii]    Table  of  Contents. 

[T/iepage  numbers  refer  to  O'Callaghan's  Refirint.] 

HE  Society  of  yesus  introduced  into  Canada 
or  New  France    . 

•  •  • 

Beginning  and  first  fruits  of  the   Canadian 

Mission     . 

•  •  . 

Settlements  and  Missions  of  the  Society  in  New 

France 

•  •  . 

The  Canadian  Mission  driven  out  by  the  Eng- 
lish 

One  of  the  members  of  the  Society  is  killed; 

the  others  are  expelled  from  Canada 
Missions   of  the   Society   of  Jesus    in  North 

America,  in  the  year  1710 


Page. 

5 

7 

18 

25 
27 
37 


I  li 


V 


V  <> 


/ 


'f'v 


204 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


) 


! 


[321  §■  "•] 


Missionis  Canadicas  Relatio. 

SOCIETAS  JESU,  IN  CANADAM,  SEU  NOVAM 
FRANCIAM    INDUCTA. 


A 


MERICAM  feptentrionalem  tres  praecipue  natio- 
nes  obtinent,  Hifpani,  Galli,  &  Aiigli.  Mexi- 
cum,  Floridae  pars  &  Calif orniae,  funt  Hifpanae 
ditionis.  Littora  orienti  foli  oppofita  &  ad  Auftrum 
devexa  occiiparunt  variis  temporibus  Angli,  Sueci, 
&  Holland!.  Quod  inter  illos  &  Mexicanos  verfus 
feptentriones  &  occafum  campi  jacet,  Galli  tenent,  ac 
Novam  Franciam,  five  Canadam,  vulgo  vocant.  Ni- 
hil tetrius  immaniufve  barbaris  Canadenfibus  fingi 
poterat,  prius  quam  inducita  religione  mitefcerent,  ut 
patebit  ex  iis  quae  Paragraph©  decimo  referentur. 
Nunc  barbaries,  &  foeda  fcelerum  cohors,  rationi  ac 
*ljai.  c.  jj.  virtuti  locum  dedit,  videturque  huic  oraculo*  veteri 
conftare  fides:  Lcetabitur  defcrta  &  invia,  &  exultabit 
folitudo^  &  florebit  quafi  liliiun. 


f 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


206 


;ii! 


ji 


An  Account  of  the  Canadian  Mission. 

[321   §11.]      THE    SOCIETY   OF   JESUS    INTRODUCED 
INTO   CANADA,  OR   NEW   FRANCE. 

NORTH  AMERICA  is  occupied  principally  by 
three  nations — the  vSpanish,  the  French,  and 
the  English.  Mexico,  a  part  of  Florida  and  of 
California,  belongs  to  the  Spanish  dominions.  The 
shores  opposite  to  the  rising  sun,  and  stretching  South- 
ward, have  been  occupied  at  various  times  by  the  Eng- 
lish, the  Swedes,  and  the  Dutch.  The  French  possess 
the  territory  which  lies  between  these  and  the  Mexi- 
cans, towards  the  north  and  west,  commonly  called 
New  France  or  Canada.  Nothing  fouler  and  more 
hideous  than  the  savage  Canadians  could  have  been 
imagined,  before  they  began  to  soften  imder  the  in- 
fluence of  religion,  as  will  appear  from  matters  to  be 
presented  in  the  tenth  Paragraph.  Now,  barbarism 
and  the  vile  array  of  .sins  have  given  place  to  reason 
and  virtue,  which  seems  to  confirm  our  faith  in  this 
ancient  prophecy :  *  The  land  that  was  desolate  and 
ijiipassahle  shall  be  glad,  and  the  ivilderness  shall  rejoice, 
and  shall  flourish  like  the  lily. 


^  fsaiah,  c. 
35- 


m 


I 

{ 


m 

I 


II  ^ 

1 


f^" 


206 


LES  RELATIONS  DBS  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


!l 


'■) 


) 


,^ 


%  \ 


INITIUM  CANADIC^  MISSIONIS,  &  PRIMI  FRUCTUS. 

AMERICA  littora,  Franciae  obverfa,  Galli  jam 
inde  ab  anno  MDXXIV.  identidem  luftrave- 
runt:  fed  obiter,  &  quafi  prsetereuntes.  De- 
mum  fuperiori  feculo  ineunte,  regionem  interiorem 
fubiit  Samuel  Camplenius,  qui  Canadenfis  coloniae 
parens  merito  dici  poteft.  Jamque  negotiatio  bel- 
liflimt  procedebat,  cum  Henricus  IV.  de  religione 
magis,  qukm  de  commercio  folicitus,  in  banc  Orbis 
novi  partem  inferre  Chriftiana  facra  decrevit,  anno 
MDCVIII.  ac  Societatis  homines  ad  banc  Apoftoli- 
cam  expeditionem  poftulavit.  Certior  de  confilio 
Regis  factus  P.  Petrus  Cotonus,  regiae  confcientise 
moderator,  julTufque  ftrenuos  quamprimum  defignare 
facerdotes,  qui  folida  tanti  operis  jacerent  fundamen- 
ta,  Societatis  Praepofitum  admonuit.  Ex  omni,  non 
juvenum  modo,  fed  etiam  fenum,  numero,  laborio- 
fam  Miffionem  flagitantium,  delec5ti  funt  P.  Petrus 
Biardus,  Gratianopolitanus,  theologiae  profelTor  in  col- 
legio  Lugdimenfi;  &  P.  Enemundus  MalTaeus,  Lug- 
dunenfis.  Moram  confiliis  felicibus  attulit  Regis  im- 
provifa  mors  ;  &  Societatis  amicorum  ftudia,  qui 
navem  &  reliqua  itineri  neceffaria  comparabant,  debi- 
litavit.  Sed  invidta  rebus  adverfis  Cotoni  pietas, 
Reginai  aucftoritatem  interpofuit,  ut  difficultates  ob- 
jedlas  profligaret.      Ergo  indicitur  profedtio:  Patres 


1  .. 


i  I 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TJONS 


207 


BEGINNING   AND  FIRST  FRUITS   OF   THE   CANADIAN 

MISSION. 

THE  French  had,  since  the  year  1524,  often  visited 
the  coasts  of  America  opposite  to  France,  but 
cursorily,  and,  as  it  were,  while  passing  by. 
Finally,  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  century,  Samuel 
Champlain,  who  well  deserves  to  be  called  the  parent 
of  the  Canadian  colony,  entered  the  region  of  the  in- 
terior. Already  was  the  undertaking  progressing  very 
favorably,  when  Henry  IV.,  more  solicitous  for  relig- 
ion than  for  commerce,  resolved,  in  the  year  1608,  to 
introduce  Christian  rites  into  this  part  of  the  new 
World,  and  asked  members  of  the  vSoc?>;ty  to  under- 
take this  Apostolic  enterprise.  Upon  being  informed 
of  the  plan  of  the  King,  and  ordered  to  choose  as 
soon  as  possible  energetic  priests  who  would  lay 
solidly  the  foundations  of  so  great  a  work.  Father 
Coton,  the  confessor  of  the  king,  informed  the  Com- 
mander of  the  Society.  From  the  whole  number, 
not  only  of  youths  but  also  of  old  men,  who  sought 
this  laborious  Duty,  there  were  chosen  Father  Peter 
Biard,  of  Grenoble,  a  professor  of  theology  in  the 
college  of  Lyons,  and  Father  Enemond  Mass^,  of 
Lyons.  The  unforeseen  death  of  the  King  delayed 
this  auspicious  enterprise,  and  diminished  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  friends  of  the  Society,  who  were  provid- 
ing a  ship  and  other  necessaries  for  the  voyage.  But 
the  pious  Coton,  unconquered  by  adversity,  brought 
in  the  authority  of  the  Queen,  in  order  that  he  might 
overcome  the  difficulties  in  his  way.  As  a  result,  the 
time  was  set  for  their  departure,  and  the  Fathers  has- 


■  It  '■ 


f:, 

I 


<         *' 


i 


ft'  ii 


w^ 


208 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


) 


K 


k^ 


t.  I 

I 


I'i 


Deppani  advolant,  inde  vela  Novam  in  Franciam 
fadluri.  Ecce  autem  repente  inexpedlatus  obex.  Ea 
navis  erat  Potrincurtii,  nobilis  Galli:  duobus  tamen 
mercatoribus  Calvinianis  obnoxia,  utpote  qui  fumptus 
non  leves  ad  illam  armamentis  inftruendam  fecerant. 
Ifti  fimiil  atque  imponendos  in  hanc  homines  Societa- 
tis  audicriint,  negant  enimvero  fe  palTuros  ut  e  portu 
folvat.  Opponitiir  imperium  Reginse.  mandata  inge- 
minantur.  Refpondent  per  fe  non  Hare  quin  facer- 
dotes  alii  quilibet  admittantur ;  at  fibi  cum  noflris 
hominibus  nihil  elTe  rei  velle.  Ubi  vidit  Cotonus 
improborum  pertinaciam  frangi  non  poffe,  alia  rem 
aggreffus  eft  via.  Erat  matrona  non  pietate  minus 
qukm  genere  nobilis,  Antonia  Guerchevillaea.  Ha;c 
negotium  MilTionis  hand  fecus  procurabat,  ac  fuum : 
utque  non  vulgarem  apud  multos  gratiam,  virtutis 
opinione  collegerat,  magnam  fubito  pecuniae  vim 
corrogavit,  qua  mercatoribus  haereticis  fumma  repen- 
deretur,  ab  iis  in  adornandam  navim  contributa.  Sic 
illis  rejedlis  &  invitis,  Patres  admiffi  fuerunt.  At, 
quia  interim  extradtum  tempus  fuerat,  non  ante  VII. 
Kalend.  Februarias,  cum  hyemaret  afperum  aequui , 
vela  funt  fac5ta.  Hinc  menfium  quatuor  curfus  fuit, 
qui  vulgo  duorum  efl ;  ac  morbis  intus,  tempeltatibus 
foris,  infeftus.  Ingreffi  demum  oftia  Laurentiani  flu- 
vii  XI.  Kal.  Junias,  ipfo  facro  Pentecofles  die,  vefti- 
gia  Chriflianae  religionis  aliqua  invenere,  leviter  ab  iis 
quos  ^  Gallia  profedtos  in  hanc  plagam  diximus,  im- 
preffa.     Ciim  enim  illis  ignotus  [322]  gentis  fermo. 


%i 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


209 


tened  to  Dieppe,  in  order  that  they  might  sail  thence 
for  New  France.  But,  lo  !  suddenly  an  unexpected 
obstacle.  Their  ship  belonged  to  Poutrincourt,  a 
French  nobleman ;  it  was,  however,  subject  to  the 
control  of  two  Calvinistic  merchants,  since  they  had 
incurred  no  light  expense  toward  providing  her  with 
equipments.  As  soon  as  they  heard  that  members  of 
the  Society  were  to  be  embarked  upon  her,  they  re- 
fused to  allow  her  to  leave  the  port.  The  authority 
of  the  Queen  was  invoked ;  her  commands  were  reiter- 
ated. They  answered  that  they  would  not  refuse  ad- 
mission to  any  other  sort  of  priests,  but  that  they 
were  unwilling  to  have  anything  to  do  with  our  men. 
When  Coton  saw  that  the  stubbornness  of  the  rascals 
could  not  be  overcome,  he  approached  the  matter  by 
another  way.  There  was  a  lady  distinguished  not 
less  for  piety  than  for  birth,  Antoinette  de  Guerche- 
ville.  This  woman  was  as  solicitous  for  the  interests 
of  the  Mission  as  for  her  own;  and  since  she  had 
acquired  an  uncommon  influence  among  many,  be- 
cause of  her  reputation  for  integrity,  she  quickly  col- 
lected a  large  sum  of  money,  by  means  of  which  the 
heretical  merchants  were  repaid  the  amount  which 
they  had  spent  in  equipping  the  ship.  So,  although 
the  merchants  were  disappointed  and  unwilling,  the 
Fathers  were  admitted.  But,  because  of  the  interven- 
ing delay,  they  did  not  sail  until  the  26th  of  January, 
when  the  storms  of  winter  caused  a  raging  sea.  On 
this  account  the  voyage  was  of  four  months'  duration, 
although  ordinarily  of  two,  and  was  terrible  because 
of  disease  within  and  tempests  without.  Having  en- 
tered at  last  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  river  on 
the  22nd  day  of  May,  on  the  holy  day  of  Pentecost, 
they  came  upon  some  traces  of  the  Christian  religion, 
which    had   been   superficially   impressed    by    those 


I    tl 


)  ]\ 


n 


¥ 


I 


L 


1^" 


210 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.  1 


J 


) 


nec  certum  conflanfqiie  in  humo  barbara  domicilium 
effet,  facultas  non  fuppetebat  erndiendi  qiios  obiter 
baptizabant  :  qiiique  priflinos  in  mores  revoluti, 
Chriftianum  vix  retinebant  nomen,  illudque  popu- 
laribiis  vitiis  confpurcabant.  Prima  Patribus  cura 
fuit  ut  facellum  conflruerent,  perdifcerent  linguam 
vernaciilam,  excolerent  Gallos,  qui  e  veteri  Francia 
in  novam  navigaverant,  Inftituta  eft  folennis  fup- 
plicatio ;  ChriftUvS  fancfliffimi  vSacramenti  velo  tec5tus, 
&  quanto  fieri  potuit  maximo  apparatu  circiimvedtus, 
in  terrse  felicis,  tot  fandtis  poftea  freqiientandse  ve- 
Inti  poffeffionem  aufpicat6  venit.  Proxima  infantibus 
facro  lavandivS  fonte  cura  eft  data,  quorum  nonnulli, 
poft  fufceptum  falutis  facramentum,  ad  terram  vi- 
ventium  polTidendam,  quafi  gentis  totius  nomine,  de- 
migrarunt.  Puellam  annos  natam  novem,  oppreffam 
gravi  morbo,  parentes  abjecerant.  Cum  enim  artis 
medicae  prorfus  ignara  natio  fit,  aegrotos  facile  defpe- 
rat,  neque  cibo,  aut  curatione  uUa,  juvat.  Depofitam 
Patres  a  parentibus  poftularunt,  ut  expiarent  lympha 
falutari.  Ultro  illis  permiffa  eft,  quippe  quae  inftar 
mortui  canis  haberetur.  Abductam  in  mapale  fe- 
paratum  curavere  fedulo:  edodlam,  quantum  erat 
neceffe ;  baptizatam,  ac  nona  poft  luce  mortuam,  coelo 
intulerunt.  Eadem  Sociorum  caritas  laetiorem  exi- 
tum  in  juvene  fortita  eft.  Ejus  pater  Membertous, 
primus  omnium,  uti  narrant,  barbarorum,  cum  h  Gal- 
lia navigatum  illuc  fuit,  in  Chriftianorum  numerum 
venerat ;  homo  ftrenuus,  &  omnium  popularium  tef- 


Ift 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


211 


whom  we  have  mentioned  as  having  journeyed  from 
France  into  this  region.  For,  since  the  speech  of  the 
people  was  unknown  [322]  to  them,  and  they  had  no 
certain  and  fixed  residence  in  this  .savage  land,  there 
was  no  opportunity  for  educating  those  whom  they 
chanced  to  baptize,  and  who,  plunging  again  into 
their  former  habits,  scarcely  retained  the  Christian 
name,  while  defiling  it  with  their  native  vices.  The 
first  concern  of  the  Fathers  was  to  build  a  chapel,  to 
learn  the  language  of  the  country,  and  to  instruct  the 
Frenchmen  who  had  emigrated  from  old  to  new 
France.  A  solemn  Thanksgiving  was  enjoined ;  the 
figure  of  Christ,  covered  with  a  canopy,  was  carried 
about  with  the  greatest  possible  ceremony;  and  he 
came  auspiciously  into  the  pos.session,  so  to  speak,  of 
the  happy  land  afterwards  to  be  frequented  by  so  many 
holy  men.  Next,  attention  was  given  to  laving  the 
infants  in  the  sacred  font,  of  whom  some,  after  receiv- 
ing the  sacrament  of  salvation,  departed  to  their 
homes  in  the  land  of  the  immortals,  in  the  name,  as 
it  were,  of  the  whole  race.  A  girl  aged  nine  years, 
aifiicted  with  a  grievous  disease,  had  been  abandoned 
by  }ier  parents.  For,  since  the  race  is  altogether 
ignoriint  of  the  art  of  medicine,  they  readily  despair 
of  ttie  sick,  and  neither  provide  them  with  food  nor 
care  for  them  in  any  way.  The  Fathers  asked  her 
parents  to  give  them  the  forsaken  child,  in  order  that 
they  might  sanctify  her  with  the  water  of  salvation. 
She  was  readily  handed  over  to  them ;  and  naturally, 
inasmuch  as  she  was  considered  no  better  than  a  dead 
dog.  Taking  hei  apart  to  their  hut  they  gave  her  as- 
siduous care;  she  was  baptized,  and,  dying  on  the 
ninth  day  afterward,  they  introducedher  into  Heaven. 
The  vsame  charity  of  the  Associates  resulted  more  for- 
tunately in  the  case  of  a  young  boy.     His  father  was 


I 


I! ! 


I 


*i 


212 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITFS  [Voi,.  1 


) 


); 


"'i 


timonio,  ceteris  longfe  prseftans  animi  robore,  belli 
fcientia,  clientelanim  multitudine,  &  gloriofi  claritu- 
dine  cognominis ;  quippe  Magni  Imperatoris  titulum 
publico  fiiflfragio  confecutus.  Hunc  obtincbat  locum 
Membertous  inter  Souriquios,  qui  Acadiam,  circa 
oftia  Laurentiani  amnis,  incolunt.  Ejus  filium  diffi- 
cili  aegritudine  conflidtatum  P.  Biardus  invifit.  Mira- 
tur  nihil  trifte  in  tugurio;  non  planc^um.  non  flebiles 
naenias:  imo  epulum,  choream,  &  duos  trefve  canes 
alligatos.  Qua^rit  quid  haec  fibi  velint.  Refpondcnt 
juvenem  brevi  effe  moriturum,  amicos  vocatos:  illis 
epulum  parari :  funebrem  choream  poftea  ducendam : 
canes,  quos  videbat,  interficiendos,  placandis  mortui 
Manibus.  Exclamavit  Pater  nequaquam  ifla  Chrif- 
tianis  hominibus  convenire,  &  impias  confuetudines 
graviter  increpuit.  Senior,  adolefcentis  parens,  ig- 
norantiam  excufavit;  ceterum  fe  ac  filium  in  ipfius 
elTe  poteftate;  doceret,  juberet,  imperata  fac^uros. 
Sacerdos  vetuit  ne  canes  interficerentur :  faltatores 
importunos  amandavit:  epuli  partem,  quae  fuperfti- 
tionis  habere  nihil  videbatur,  permifit  :  in  primis 
autem,  ne  deponeretur  penitus  aegroti  cura  prohibuit ; 
imo  fuafit  ut  ad  Gallorum  domicilia,  quamvis  longe 
difjundla,  deportaretur  ;  fperare  fe,  favente  Deo, 
futurum  ut  convalefceret.  Benigne  auditus  eft  a 
Membertoo :  delatus  aeger  ad  nos  fuit,  ridentibus,  ac 
bolum  tantum  tarn  fubito  h  faucibus  ereptum  fibi  do- 
lentibus  veneficis,  &  circulatoribus,  quorum  fententia 
conclamatus  adolefcens  vivere  pofle  negabatur.     Ac 


-j?iPE:i: 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


218 


Membertou,  who,  they  say,  in  the  early  days  of  navi- 
gation thither  from  France,  first  of  all  the  savages 
became  a  Christian;  he  was  an  energetic  man,  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  all  his  countrymen,  far 
excelled  others  in  vigor  of  mind,  in  knowledge  of 
war,  in  number  of  dependents,  and  the  distinction  of 
a  glorious  name,  for  by  public  vc^te  he  had  acquired 
the  title  of  "  Great  Chief."  This  position  Member- 
tou held  among  the  Souriquois,  who  inhabit  Acadia 
about  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  river.  Father 
Biard  visited  Membertou 's  son,  who  was  suffering 
from  a  dangerous  illness.  He  was  surprised  that 
there  was  no  grief  in  the  wigwam ;  no  lamentations, 
no  tearful  dirges ;  instead,  a  feast,  a  dance,  and  two 
or  three  dogs  fastened  together.  He  asked  what 
these  things  meant.  They  answered  that  the  youth 
would  die  in  a  short  time ;  that  the  friends  had  been 
invited,  and  for  them  the  banquet  was  being  pre- 
pared ;  that  afterwards  a  funeral  dance  was  to  be  con- 
ducted ;  and  that  the  dogs  which  he  saw  were  to  be 
killed  to  appease  the  Spirit  of  the  dead  boy.  The 
Father  exclaimed  that  these  things  were  quite  unfit- 
ting for  Christian  men,  and  severely  censured  the 
impious  custom.  The  parent  of  the  youth  excused 
his  ignorance ;  he  said  that  henceforth  he  and  his  son 
should  be  under  the  Father's  direction;  he  begged 
him  to  instruct  and  command  them,  and  said  that 
they  would  execute  his  orders.  The  Priest  forbade 
the  killing  of  the  dogs ;  he  dismissed  the  rude  dancers ; 
a  part  of  the  repast  he  allowed,  as  not  devoted  to  su- 
perstitious rites.  He  insisted  that  the  patient  should 
no  longer  be  neglected ;  still  more,  he  persuaded  them 
that  the  boy  should  be  taken  to  the  dwellings  of  the 
French,  although  these  were  far  distant,  saying  that 
he  hoped,  by  the  favor  of  God,  for  his  recovery.     The 


I 

I 

I 


■li' 


vl,'  i\ 


fl 


214 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


') 


!l 


fane  aj^ebat  animam,  cum  triduo  poft  ad  Gallornm 
domicilia  pervenit,  fradlus  itinere  ac  morbo.  Patrum 
tamen  arte  ac  ftudio,  &  fcilicet  Dei  benignitate,  re- 
creatus  eft ;  nee  ipfe  tantum  in  fide  catholica  confir- 
matiis,  fed  ejus  eapelTendaj  defiderio  complures  in- 
flammati. 

Incidit  aliquanto  pofl  in  morbum  pater  adolefcen- 
tis,  &  ad  nos  fimiliter  deferri  voluit,  ubi  noftrum  in 
tugi'"""iim,  atque  adeo  in  unius  fe  Patribus  lec5lum 
ace*.  iri,  pi^  vitam  claufit ;  quodque  barbaris  novum 
accidit  ac  moleftum,  illatus  elt  in  commune  Chrifti- 
anse  plcbi  fepulcrum :  nam  ipfi  a  sepulcris  majorum 
aegerrime  divelluntur.  Curatum  funus  illuftri,  ut 
rerum  ferebant  anguftiae,  pompa.  Ncc  honorc  ifto 
qualicumque  indigna  barbari  virtus  erat,  qui  etiam 
ante  quhm  Chriftum  nofTet,  non  potuerat  adduci  ut 
plures  una  duceret  uxores :  id  naturae  ac  rationi  ma- 
gis  confentaneum  arbitratus.  Poft  fufccptam  vero 
Chr'fti  Fidem  ita  vixerat,  ut  barbaris  admirationi 
efl        "^hriflianis  exemplo. 

Hijjc  domi  gefta.  EgrelTi  deinde  quafi  pornerio 
praecones  Evangelici  magnam  regionis  partem  li  ra- 
vere.  Divina  res,  ubicumque  licuit,  fadta:  impoiuae 
manus  aegrotis,  conciliati  riunufculis  parentes  ac 
liberi;  data  Gallis,  novas  condentibus  fedes,  opera; 
necnon  claffiariis  atque  vec'toribus.  Non  defuit  pa- 
tientiae  laeta  feges,  ac  tanta  interdum  exftitit  annonae 
penuria,  ut  fmgulis  hebdomadis  certum  [323]  unicui- 
que  demenfum  daretur,  quod  vix  fufficiebat  in  unum 


1610-18] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


216 


priest  was  favorably  heard  by  Membertou ;  the  patient 
was  brought  to  us,  although  the  sorcerers  and  medi- 
cine-men, who  declared  that  the  unhappy  youth  could 
not  live,  ridiculed  this  decision,  and  grieved  that  such 
a  morsel  .should  be  snatched  suddenly  from  their  jaws. 
And  indeed  he  was  at  the  point  of  death,  when,  three 
days  afterward,  exhausted  by  the  journey  and  by 
sickness,  he  arrived  at  the  French  settlement.  Nev- 
ertheless, by  the  skill  and  devotion  of  the  Fathers, 
and  by  the  kindness  of  God,  he  was  restored ;  nor  was 
he  alone  established  in  the  Catholic  faith,  but  many 
of  his  countrymen  were  inflamed  with  the  desire  of 
adopting  it. 

Some  time  afterward,  the  father  of  the  young  man 
fell  sick,  and  wished  to  be  also  brought  to  us,  where, 
after  being  received  into  our  hut  and  even  into  the 
bed  of  one  of  the  Fathers,  he  piously  departed  this 
life ;  and,  what  was  novel  and  displeasing  to  the  sav- 
ages, he  was  buried  among  Christian  people ;  for  they 
themselves  are  very  reluctant  to  be  separated  from 
the  tombs  of  their  ancestors.  His  funeral  was  ob- 
served, as  far  as  the  limitations  of  the  case  permitted, 
with  marked  ceremony.  Nor  was  this  savage's  virtue 
unworthy  in  any  respect  of  that  honor ;  for,  even  be- 
fore he  had  learned  of  Christ,  he  could  not  be  induced 
to  marry  more  than  one  wife,  considering  this  more 
in  harmony  with  nature  and  reason.  But,  after  his 
acceptance  of  the  Faith  of  Christ,  he  so  lived  that  he 
was  to  the  savages  an  object  of  admiration,  to  the 
Christians  an  example. 

These  things  were  accomplished  at  home.  Then 
going  forth,  as  it  were,  from  the  city  walls,  the 
heralds  of  the  Gospel  traversed  a  great  part  of  the 
country.  A  godly  act  was  performed  wherever  op- 
portunity allowed;  hands  were  laid  upon  the  sick; 


I 


I 


}' 


»/i 


i     1 


*Num.  c. 
13.  14. 


216 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


diem,  videlicet  paiiis  unciae  decern,  felibra  carnis  fale 
maceratse,  &  piforum,  fabarumve  aliquantulum.  Ad- 
hsec,  erat  fibi  quifque  faber,  {arcinator,  piftor,  coquus, 
lignator,  &  aquator.  Occurrebant  interdum  Patri- 
bus,  in  his  aerumnis,  voces  illorum,  quibus  Mofes 
provinciam  explorandae  Chananitidis  dederat,*  Terra 
hcec  devorat  habitat -^rcs  fuos  ;  ibi  vidimus  vionjira  gucedam 
filiorum  Enac,  de  gcnerc  Gigantco,  quibus  comparati, 
quafi  locuJliB  vidcbamur .  At  fimul  veniebat  in  men- 
tem  oratio  Jofue,  &  Calebi,  plena  divinae  fiduciae: 
Terra  valdc  bona  ejl.  Si  propitius  fuerit  Doniiu  us,  in- 
ducet  nos  in  earn.  Neque  titveatis  populuni  tcrrce  hujus, 
Dominus  nobifcum  ejl. 


iV, 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


217 


parents  and  children  were  conciliated  by  means  of 
little  gifts ;  services  were  rendered  to  the  French  who 
were  establishing  new  homes ;  nor  were  the  seamen 
and  ships'  passengers  neglected.  There  was  not 
lacking  a  glad  harvest  for  their  patience.  Mean- 
while, so  great  a  scarcity  of  provisions  existed,  that  for 
each  week  [323]  a  ration  was  allotted,  so  scanty  that  it 
was  hardly  sufficient  for  one  day ;  namely,  ten  ounces 
of  bread,  half  a  pound  of  salted  meat,  and  a  handful 
of  peas  or  beans.  In  addition  to  this,  each  man  was 
his  own  mechanic,  mender,  miller,  cook,  hewer  of 
wood,  and  drawer  of  water.  There  occurred  some- 
times to  the  Fathers,  in  the  midst  of  the  miseries,  the 
words  of  those  to  whom  Moses  had  given  the  task  of 
reconnoitering  Canaan :  *  This  land  .  .  devoiireth 
its  inhabitants;  •  •  there  ive  sazv  certain  monsters  of 
the  sons  of  Enac  of  the  Giant -kind ;  in  comparison  ofivhom, 
zee  seemed  like  locusts.  But  at  the  same  time  there  came 
into  mind  the  speech  of  Joshua  and  of  Caleb,  full  of 
divine  trust :  The  land  zuhich  zvc  have  gone  round  is  very 
good.  If  the  Lord  be  favorable,  he  zvill  bring  us  into  it. 
•    Fear  ye  not  the  people  of  this  land,    •      •     the  Lord 


*i\'um.  c. 
'3^  H- 


•  ><  ill 


is  zvitJi  us. 


L« 


218 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


\      i 


I 


i.i 


i< 


DOMICILIA   SOCIETATIS  &   MISSIONES   IN   NOVA 

FRANCIA. 

ET  elle  cum  fervis  fuis,  ac  militibus  Dominum, 
exitus  comprobavit.  Nam  hoc  anno  MDCCIII. 
ineunte,  cum  ha^c  fcribimus,  praeter  Quebecenfe 
collegium,  numerantur  in  hac  terra  defer t a  prius  & 
invia  triginta  &  amplius  florentiffimse  cultifllmaeque 
Miffiones  noftrse  Societatis.  Prima  in  confpedtu  Que- 
beci,  decimo  ab  urbe  lapide,  Lauretana  dicitur.  Al- 
tera in  pago  Taduffaco  fedet :  ad  ripam  fluvii  Lauren- 
tiani,  leucis  infra  Quebecum  LX.  verfus  ortum.  Tres 
aliae  fupra  Quebecum  ipfum,  longe  procurrunt  in  Bo- 
ream,  circa  lacum  S.  Joannis :  una  in  eo  loco,  qui  k 
feptem  infulis  nomen  habet ;  altera,  in  pago  Chigouti- 
mino ;  tertia,  fecus  amnem  Saguenaeum.  Excoluntur 
ibi  Montagnaei,  Papinachii,  Miftaffini,  &  aliae  paffim 
gentes  errabundae.  Jam,  fi  verfus  obeuntis  folis 
partes  &  fluminis  Laurentiani  fontem  tendas,  occurret 
in  ejus  ripa  feptentrionali  pagus  Trium  fluminum 
didtus,  quia  ibi  tria  quaedam  flumina  confluunt :  abeft 
Quebeco  feptem  odtove  dierum  iter.  Florebat  illic 
AlgonKinorum  ]\Iiffio  longe  pulcherrima,  fed  banc 
vinum  igne  vaporatum  &  ftillatum,  h,  mercatoribus 
Europaeis,  facilem  inde  quaeftum  male  captantibus 
invedlum,  vehementer  labefadtavit  induc^a  ebrietate. 
Penfat   haec   damna  virtus   ac   pietas  AbnaKiforum. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


219 


SETTLEMENTS   AND   MISSIONS   OF   THE   SOCIETY    IN 

NEW    FRANCE. 


AND  that  the  Lord  is  with  his  servants  and  soldiers, 
the  outcome  has  proved.  For,  in  the  beginning 
of  this  year  1703,  while  we  are  writing  these 
things,  there  are  numbered  in  this  formerly  solitary  and 
unexplored  country  more  than  thirty  very  prosperous 
and  well-equipped  Missions  of  our  Society,  besides 
the  college  of  Quebec.  The  first  of  these,  in  sight  of 
Quebec,  at  the  tenth  mile-stone  from  the  city,  is  called 
Lorette.  Another  is  situated  in  the  district  of 
Tadoussac,  on  the  shore  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
.sixty  leagues  below  Quebec  toward  the  east.  Three 
others,  above  Quebec  itself,  extend  far  into  the  North 
about  lake  St.  John ;  one  in  that  place  which  takes  its 
name  from  the  seven  islands ;  ^"  another  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Chigoutimini ;  ^  the  third  on  the  Saguenay 
river.  There  they  minister  to  the  Montagnais,  the 
Papinachois,  the  Mistassins,  and  other  wandering 
tribes.  Now,  if  you  journey  towards  the  regions  of 
the  setting  sun,  and  the  source  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
river,  you  will  find  upon  its  northern  bank  a  district 
called  Three  rivers,  because  there  three  rivers  flow 
together:  it  is  distant  from  Quebec  seven  or  eight 
days'  journey.  Here,  there  formerly  flourished  the 
most  successful  Mission  of  the  Algonquins ;  but  it  has 
been  much  weakened  through  the  drunkenness  in- 
duced by  brandy,  brought  in  by  European  merchants 
who  thus  wickedly  derive  an  easy  profit.  But  these 
losses  are  compensated  by  the  virtue  and  piety  of  the 
Abenakis.     Among  them  a  mission  of  three  stations 


\\ 


'  T    J 


I 


'*     1.1 


;/ 


i     A 


)' 


i 


^T 


220 


LES  /DELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


Triplex  apud  illos  ftatio  collocata  una  Quebeco  non 
procul,  in  XLVI.  gradu  latitudinis,  nomine  S.  Fran- 
cifci  Salefii  &  patrocinio  infignita:  aliae  duae  funt  re- 
motiores;  loco  nomen  eft  NipifiKouit.  Trans  amnem 
Laurentianum  ad  Meridiem  funduntur  Iroquseorum 
quinque  nationes.  Septem  funt  apud  illos  prseconum 
Evangelii  domicilia,  per  centum  quinquiginta  leucas 
fparfa.  Ex  lis  fex  profligata  fuerant  bello  Gallos 
inter  &  Iroquaeos  conflato  circa  annum  MDCLXXXII. 
Revocata  cum  religione  pax  anno  MDCCII.  omnia 
priorem  in  ftatum  reftituit.  In  iis  Iroquaeorum  MifQ- 
onibus  ea  prajcipue  floret,  quae  ^  S.  Francifco  Xaverio 
nomen  habet,  ad  Montem-Regalem. 

Supra  Iroquaeos,  verfus  occafum  &  Aquilonem, 
intra  quadragefimum  gradum  &  XLV.  cernere  eft 
majores  duos  lacus  angufto  freto  jundtos :  alter,  ifque 
amplior,  Ilinaeorum;  alter  Huronum  dicitur.  Hos 
ingens  terrae  lingua  dividit,  cujus  in  apice  fedet  Miffio 
S.  Ignatii,  five  MiffilimaKinacana.  Supra  duos  iitos 
lacus  tertius  eft,  ambobus  major,  quem  fuperiorem 
lacum  appellant.  Hujus  in  aditu  conftituta  eft  Miffio 
S.  Mariae  h,  Saltu.  Interjedlum  inter  hunc,  &  binos 
inferiores  lacus  fpatium  occupant  OutaouaKi,  apud 
quos  plurima  ftativa  Societas  habet.  Ejufmodi  arces 
religionis  (fie  enim  appellare  Miffiones  licet)  unde 
fuc»s  profert  milites,  &  facra  explicat  vexilla,  tres 
circa  lacum  Ilinaeorum  pofitae  funt,  prima  inter  Pute- 
atamifos:  Miifio  Sandti  Jofephi  nuncupatur:  altera 
inter  KiKaroufos,  Maf Koutenfos,  &  Outagamifos ;    S. 


'I  1 


)  i 


I     a  •  I 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


221 


has  been  established;  one  located  among  them,  not 
far  from  Quebec,  on  the  forty-sixth  parallel  of  lati- 
tude, distinguished  by  the  name  and  |>atronage  of  St. 
Francis  de  Sales:  the  other  two  are  more  remote,  at  a 
place  named  Nipisikouit.  Across  the  St.  Lawrence 
river,  to  the  South,  extend  the  five  nations  of  the  Iro- 
quois. There  are  among  them  seven  stations  of  the 
Evangelists,  scattered  through  a  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues.  Of  these,  six  were  destroyed  in  the  war 
which  arose  between  the  French  and  Iroquois,  about 
the  year  1682.  Peace,  together  with  the  recall  of 
the  missionaries,  in  the  year  1702  restored  all  things 
to  their  previous  condition. ^^  Among  these  Missions 
of  the  Iroquois,  that  one  is  especially  flourishing 
which  is  named  for  St.  Francis  Xavier,  at  Montreal. ^'^ 
Above  the  Iroquois,  toward  the  west  and  North, 
between  the  fortieth  and  forty-fifth  parallels,  one  may 
see  two  great  lakes  joined  by  a  narrow  strait;  the 
larger  one  is  called  the  lake  of  the  Ilinois,'^^  the  other 
the  lake  of  the  Hurons.^  These  are  separated  by 
a  large  peninsula,  at  the  point  of  which  is  situated  the 
Mission  of  St.  Ignatius,  or  Missilimakinac.^^  Above 
these  two  lakes  there  is  a  third,  greater  than  either, 
called  lake  superior.  At  the  entrance  of  this  lake 
has  been  established  the  Mission  of  Ste.  Marie  at  the 
Sault.^"  The  space  between  this  and  two  smaller 
lakes  is  occupied  by  the  Outaouaki,  among  whom 
the  Sogiety  has  many  stations.  Three  such  citadels 
of  religion  (for  thus  it  is  proper  to  call  the  Missions), 
whence  she  leads  forth  her  soldiers  and  unfurls  her 
sacred  standards,  have  been  located  about  the  lake 
of  the  Ilinois:  the  first,  among  the  Puteatamis,  and 
called  the  Mission  of  St.  Joseph ;  another,  among  the 
Kikarous,  Maskoutens,  and  Outagamies,  and  possess- 
ing  the   name   of   St.    Francis    Xavier:"^'  the  third, 


I 


)' 


ij 


222 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JASUITES  [Vol.1 


Francifci  Xaverii  nomen  obtinet :  tertia  inter  Oumi- 
amifos,  Angeli  Cuftodis.  Infra  memoratos  lacus, 
fupra  ipfam  Floridam,  vaftiffimos  pererrant  campos 
Ilinaei.  Ibi  ampliflima  ftatio,  cui  nomen  ab  immacu- 
lata  Virginis  ^Matris  conceptione  'mpofitum,  tres  in 
Mifliones  fecatur,  &  ad  fluvium  ufque  Miffifipum 
procurrit.  Infidet  ejufdem  fluminis  ripis  miffio  Baio- 
gulana,  in  trigefimo  primo  gradu  latitudinis :  demum 
ultima  protenditur  fecundiim  eundem  amnem  verfu.s 
Mexicanum  fmum.  Haec  vifum  eft  enucleare  paulo 
diftindtius,  &  quafi  fub  uno  ftatim  afpedtu  ponere,  ut 
intelligatur  qu5  fmgula  referenda  fmt,  quae  poftea  de 
Nova  Francia  narrabuntur. 

Reftat  ignota  Europaeis  adhuc  pars  Canadae  im- 
menfa,  ultra  Miffifipum  fluvium,  clementiori  fubjedta 
coelo,  frequens  incolis,  armentis  frugibufque  laeta; 
vitae  verae  ac  falutis  expers.  Haec  generofos  Chrifti 
milites  vocat.  Nee  noii  altera  [324]  longe  ifti  diffi- 
milis,  quae  rigidis  circa  Hudfonium  fmum,  a  gradu 
LV.  ad  LX.  aut  LXX.  fubjedta  feptentrionibus,  nivi- 
bus  ac  pruinis  demerfa,  tanto  aequiiis  implorat  opem, 
quanto  gravioribus  incommodis  conflidtatur.  Hie 
Societas  ante  annos  paucos  prima  coepit  figere  vefti- 
gia.  lUucefcet  ilia,  fpero,  dies,  cum  obvallatum 
periculis  ac  laboribus  iter  eadem  perrumpet.  Non  fine 
magno  molimine  clauftra  Tartari,  oppreffas  injufta 
fervitute  animas  retinentis,  perfringuntur ;  neque  ilia 
ipfa,  tot  fiorens  modo  coloniis,  Miffio  Canadica  ftatim 
fuam  eft  maturitatem  adepta.     ^gre  per  fexdecim 


{  I 


(    ; 
i' 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


22a 


among  the  Oumiamis,'"*  has  the  name  of  the  Guardian 
Angel.  Below  the  lakes  which  have  been  mentioned, 
above  Florida,  the  Ilinois  roam  through  most  exten- 
sive territories.  There,  a  very  large  station,  named 
from  the  immaculate  conception  of  the  Virgin  Moth- 
er, is  divided  into  three  Missions,  and  extends  as  far 
as  the  river  Mississippi.  Upon  the  banks  of  the 
same  river  is  situated  the  mission  of  Baiogula,  at  the 
thirty-first  parallel  of  latitude ;  '^^  and  it  extends  down 
that  stream  towards  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  It  has 
seemed  best  to  explain  these  matters  somewhat  fully, 
because  the  individual  facts  here  specified  will  be  re- 
ferred to  in  what  is  to  be  hereafter  narrated  concern- 
ing New  France. 

There  remains  unknown  to  Europeans,  up  to  the 
present  time,  an  immense  portion  of  Canada,  beyond 
the  Mississippi  river,  situated  beneath  a  milder  sky, 
well-inhabited,  and  abounding  in  animal  and  vege- 
table life;  the  whole,  deprived  of  true  life  and  of  sal- 
vation. This  region  calls  to  the  generous  soldiers  of 
Christ.  So  is  it,  likewise,  [324]  with  another  region 
far  dissimilar  to  that,  around  the  frozen  Hudson  bay, 
from  the  fifty-fifth  parallel  to  the  sixtieth  or  seven- 
tieth; lying  at  the  north,  plunged  in  snows  and 
frosts,  it  even  more  justly  implores  aid,  as  it  is 
afflicted  by  more  weighty  ills.  Here  the  Society,  a 
few  years  ago,  first  began  to  plant  its  footsteps. 
That  day  will  dawn,  I  hope,  when  it  shall  break 
through  the  barriers  of  dangers  and  toils.  Not 
without  great  exertion  are  the  gates  of  Tartarus, 
which  hold  burdened  souls  in  unmerited  bondage, 
broken  down ;  nor  did  the  Canadian  Mission  itself, 
now  flourishing  with  so  many  settlements,  all  at  once 
attain  its  full  development.  Grievously,  through 
sixteen  years  did  it,  so  to  speak,  stick  in  a  rough 


||^ 


1^ 


I: 


i,f. 


'V 


r   \ 


I 


I    \ 


1   J 


I     .' 


i^ 


X 


^    n 


224 


LES  RELATIONS  DBS  jASUITES  [Vol.1 


annos  tanquam  in  falebris  haefit,  nee  fuam  quandam 
nadla  formam  eft,  nifi  anno  feculi  fuperioris  quinto 
&  vigemo,  chm  fe  aliquando  ex  illis  anguftiis  expli- 
cuit,  P.  Petri  Cotoni,  cui  fua  debebat  primordia,  bene- 
ficio,  lit  fexta  Pars  Hiftoriae  fufms  exponet. 

Nunc  aerumnarum  ac  periculorum  plenos  natales 
refenmus  labor?  of ae  Miflionis,  quae  vix  nata,  in  ipfis 
cunis  per  Anglos  propemodum  extindta  eft. 


'.  \ 


W' 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


226 


road;  indeed,  it  did  not  take  shape  until  1625,  when 
it  was  extricated  from  its  perplexities  by  the  aid  of 
Father  Peter  Coton,  to  whom  it  owed  its  origin,  as 
the  sixth  Part  of  this  History  will  more  fully  ex- 
plain. 

Now  we  return  to  the  natal  days,  full  of  hardships 
and  dangers,  of  the  toilsome  Mipsion,  which,  scarcely 
born,  was  almost  exterminated  in  its  cradle  by  the 
English. 


i 


% 

n 


I, 


/ 


i  I 


226 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITE""  [Vol.  1 


MISSIO   CANADENSIS   AB   ANGUS    PROTURBATA. 


) 


!l 


)/ 


,\ 


i^    \^ 


\ 

'1 

;|V 

f 

\ 

% 

\ 

1   ; 

\ 

\ 

k. 

.\ 

SOCIIS  illic  degentibus  venerant  auxilio  Idibus 
Mail  anni  MDCXIII.  Pater  Quintimis,  &  Frater 
Gilbertus  Thetus,  regio  diplomate  inflrudti,  quo 
facultas  ipfis  dabatiir  novi  domicilii  commodo  loco 
sedificandi.  Gallos  reperiiint  incumbentes  in  con- 
dendam  urbem,  &  periculi,  quod  inftabat,  ignaros. 
Angli  paucis  ante  annis  occupaverant  Virginiam. 
Haec  Americae  feptentrionalis  ad  ortum  portio  mari- 
tima,  inter  Floridam  Novamque  Franciam  fita,  tricefi- 
mo  fexto,  feptimo,  &  odlavo  gradibus  fubfternitur. 
E5  cum  tendcrent  Angii  aeflivis  anni  MDCXIII. 
menfibus,  &  infcii  locorum  errarent,  ob  exortam  cali- 
ginem,  quae  huic  mari  denfiffima  folet  per  eos  menfes 
incubare,  paulatim  delapfi  funt  ad  littus,  ubi  Galli 
confederant,  baud  procul  portu  Sandti  Salvatoris. 
Poftquam  cognoverunt  Gallicas  naves  ibi  confiflere, 
arma  expediunt,  &  in  portum  invehuntur.  Interea 
Galli  ancipiti  opinione  fufpenfi,  amicos  an  hofles  cen- 
ferent,  quos  rec^a  in  fuam  flationem  ventus  infere- 
bat,  eventum  trepidi  opperiebantur.  Brevi,  quinam 
effent  patuit.  Angli  fadlo  impetu  in  Gallicum  navi- 
gium,  paucis  inftrucftum  propugnatoribus,  ceteris  ad 
condenda  domicilia  digreffis,  id  nullo  negotio  expug- 
nant. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


227 


THE  CANADIAN  MISSION  DRIVEN  OUT  1?V  THE  ENOLISII. 

TO  OUR  COMRADES  residing  in  that  place  there 
had  come  as  a  reinforcement,  on  the  1 5th  day  of 
May,  161 3,  Father  Qucntin  and  Brother  Gilbert 
dii  Thet,  provided  with  a  royal  commission,  by  which 
they  were  empowered  to  establish  a  new  settlement  in 
:i  suitable  location.'"'  They  found  the  French  intent 
upon  founding  a  city,  and  unaware  of  the  danger 
which  threatened.  The  English,  a  few  years  before, 
had  occupied  Virginia.  This  eastern  coast-region  of 
North  America,  situated  between  Florida  and  New 
France,  is  comprised  between  the  thirty-sixth  and 
thirty-eighth  parallels.  While  the  English  were 
sailing  thither  in  the  summer  months  of  the  year 
161 3,  and,  having  lost  their  bearings  and  strayed 
from  their  course,  on  account  of  the  fogs,  which 
usually  are  very  heavy  upon  this  sea  in  the  summer, 
they  were  gradually  borno  to  the  shore  where  the 
French  had  settled,"^  not  far  from  the  port  of  St. 
Sauveur.  When  they  leaiaed  that  a  French  ship 
was  stationed  there,  they  made  ready  their  weapons 
and  entered  the  harbor.  Meanwhile  the  French, 
uncertain  whether  they  should  consider  as  friends 
or  foes  those  whom  the  wind  was  bearing  directly 
towards  their  position,  tremblingly  awaited  the  out- 
come. Who  they  were  was  soon  apparent.  The 
English  attacked  the  French  ship,"-^  wherein  few 
were  drawn  up  in  defense  —  for  the  others  had  de- 
parted to  work  on  the  buildings  —  and  with  no 
trouble  captured  her. 


I\ 


rl.) 


1^ 


I  vi 


i 


) 


r 


I 


f! 


h 


;' 


228 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


UNUS   t   SOCIETATE   INTERFICITUK ;   ALII    CANADA 

EJICIUNTUR. 

PRIMO  in  conflidlu  Gilbcrtus  Thctus,  domefticse 
rei  adiutor  ^  Societate,  confolTus  lethali  plaga, 
poflridie  '■sligiofa  morte  occubuit.  Ceteri  Pa- 
tres  qui  rtabant  in  littore,  in  poteftatem  Argalli, 
praitoris  Angli,  venerunt.  Ille,  dum  Gallicae  navis 
praidam  &  fupellecftilem  recenfet,  subduxit  clam  h 
SaufTa^ii,  navis  Gallicas  giibernatoris,  qui  huic  expe- 
ditioni  pr^eerat,  fcrinio  regium  diploma,  cujus  fide  tota 
novae  colonise  ratio  nitebatur.  Mox  ipfum  Sauffieium 
h  littore  fubeuntem  adortus,  quaerit  ex  eo  quo  jure, 
cujus  au(5toritate,  novas  tarn  prope  Virginiam  fedes 
moliatur.  Laudavit  Sauffaeius  regium  diploma,  quod 
fe  in  capfis  rite  confcriptum  habere  dixit.  Ad  eas 
ubi  ventum  eft,  vidit  integras,  &  obferatas,  fuifque 
omnia  digefta  locis  agnovit,  diploma  nullum  appa- 
ruit.  Tum  Argallus,  vultu  &  voce  ad  feveritatem 
compofitis,  fugitivos  &  prsedones  conclamat,  ac  necem 
commeruifTe  pronunciat,  fimulque  navim  fuis  diripi- 
endam  tradit.  Ilium  interea  Patres  obfecrant  ut 
vidtis  benign^  confulat,  quibus  objici  nihil  noxse  poffit 
aliud,  qukin  quod  in  pacato  folo  fuerint  nimium  fe- 
curi:  auc5loriLatem  Regis  Galliae  non  dubiam  ac  vo- 
hinl  ileal  teftantur.  Prcetor  probe  fibi  confcius  vera 
-^■'      omiter  eos  audivit,  &  omnibus  poteftatem 


M-- 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


229 


ONE  OF  THK  MKMHKKSOFTHK  SOflKTY  FS  KILLED;  THE 
orilKKS  ARK  EXI'KI,I,KI)  KROM  CANADA. 


IN  THE  FIRST  onset, (iilbert  du  Thet.  a  household 
assistant  of  the  vSociety,  was  stricken  with  a  mortal 
wound,  and  on  the  following'  day  piously  departed 
this  life.  The  rest  of  the  Fathers,  who  were  stand- 
ing on  the  shore,  were  captured  by  Argall.  the  Eng- 
lish commander.""  This  man,  while  he  was  taking 
an  inventory  of  the  plunder  and  eciuipnient  of  the 
French  ship,  surreptitiou.sly  removed  from  the 
trunk  of  Saus.saye,  the  captain  of  the  F'rench  vessel, 
and  commander  of  the  expedition,  the  royal  com- 
mission upon  whose  authority  all  the  proceedings  of 
the  new  colony  were  ba.sed.  vSoon  meeting  Saussaye 
himself,  returning  from  the  shore,  Argall  asked  him 
by  what  right,  by  whose  authority,  he  was  founding 
a  new  colony  so  near  Virginia.  vSaussaye  cited  the 
royal  commission,  which  he  asserted  that  he  had, 
duly  drawn  up,  in  one  of  his  trunks.  When  they 
came  to  these,  he  saw  them  untouched  and  locked, 
and  all  things  disposed  in  their  proper  places ;  but 
no  commission  appeared.  Thereupon  Argall,  chang- 
ing his  countenance  and  voice  to  severity,  pro- 
nounced them  runaways  and  pirates,  and  declared 
that  they  deserved  death ;  while  at  the  same  time 
he  delivered  over  the  ship  to  his  men  to  be  plun- 
dered. Meanwhile  the  Fathers  besought  him  to 
adopt  mild  measures  toward  the  vanquished,  against 
whom  no  other  fault  could  be  charged  than  that,  in 
a  peaceful  situation,  they  had  been  too  careless; 
they  testified  that  the  authority  and   favor  of  the 


i\ 


I  u 


I 


^ 


!» 


i: 


.1  i 


230 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  TAsUITES 


[Vol.  1 


I,. 


) 


' 

k 


I 


i|  I 


in  Galliam  redeiindi  fecit.  Duas  ^"n  naviciilas  infe- 
lix  tiirba  imponitur,  quanim  una  curfiim  in  Galliam 
rec^a  dirigeret ;  altera  cum  aliquot  Anglis  folveret  in 
Virginiam,  inde  Franciam  petitura.  Hanc  PP.  Biar- 
dus  &  Ouintinus,  illam  P.  Maffaeus,  &  Sauffaeius  con- 
fcenderunt.  Utriufque  fons  long^  difpar  fuit.  Quae 
Sauffaeium  &  P.  Maffaeum  vehebat  dum  oram  raariti- 
mam  legit,  annona,  nautis,  armamentis  deftituta,  in- 
cidit  in  geminas  naves  reditum  in  Galliam  adornantes. 
Jungit  fe  illis  laeta,  cumque  fuis  vec5loribus  Maclovi- 
imi,  Britanniae  Aremoricae  oppidum,  paucis  diebus 
tenuit. 

Interim  Argallus,  claffis  Anglicae  praefeCtu.s,  Pa- 
tres  Biardum  &  Quintinum  dedudturus  in  Virginiam, 
ut  conftitutum  fuerat,  paululum  iis  praeivit  ciim  fua 
navi  praetoria.  Virginiam  obtinebat  Anglus  ferox, 
nomini  Gallico,  ac  Societati  noftrae  [325]  perinfenfus. 
Ubi  adventare  Jefuita.s  audivit,  vociferatur  perdendos 
hoiiimes  improbiffimos,  bufla  pietatis  ac  religionis. 
Argallus  contra  nitebatur,  feque  vivo  nihil  moleflise 
damnive  Patribus  inf erendum  affirmabat :  hanc  enim 
ipfis  dederat  fidem ;  &  regium  diploma,  cujus  audtori- 
tate  colonia  (rallica  in  Novam  Franciam  deducebatur, 
protulit.  Hoc  diplomate  inflammatus  homo  furiofus, 
exturbandos  e  Nova  Francia  Gallos  clamat.  In  hanc 
f ententiam  Angli  proceres  iverunt.  Jubetur  Argallus 
viam  remetiri;  Gallos,  quicumque  fupereffent,  ejicere, 
domicilia  evertere,  &  aequare  folo.  Rediit :  arces  in 
ora  Canadenfi  cxtrudtas  incendit,  omnia  delevit,    ac 


m 


Lr_g 

R  '/f  ! 

1 

W 

^   ' 

'•)  »i 

a    '■ 

! 

1   i 

^■■ 

1 ' 

k> 

iWr 


lGlO-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


231 


King  of  France  had  certainly  been  given  to  the 
colony.  The  captain,  who  w.s  thoroughly  conscious 
of  the  truth  of  their  statements,  listened  to  them 
kindly,  and  gave  to  all  the  opportunity  of  returning 
to  France.  The  unhappy  crowd  was  placed  upon 
two  vSmall  ships,  one  of  which  directed  its  course 
straight  towards  France;  the  other,  with  some  of  the 
English,  sailed  for  Virginia,  thence  to  depart  for 
France.  Fathers  Biard  and  Quentin  embarked  upon 
the  latter;  Father  Masse  and  Sau8;:aye  upon  the 
former.  The  fortunes  of  these  ships  were  widely 
diverse.  While  that  which  carried  Saussaye  and 
Father  Masse  was  coasting  along  the  shore,  destitute 
of  provisions,  of  seamen,  and  of  equipment,  she  fell 
upon  two  ships  preparing  to  return  to  France.  She 
gladly  joined  herself  to  these,  and,  with  her  passen- 
gers, arrived  in  a  few  days  at  St.  Malo,  a  town  of 
Brittany. 

Meanwhile  Argall,  the  commander  of  the  English 
fleet,  in  order  that  he  might  conduct  Fathers  Biard 
and  Quentin  to  Virginia,  as  had  been  resolved  upon, 
preceded  them  a  little  with  his  flag-ship.  Virginia 
was  then  ruled  by  a  ferocious  Englishman,''^  who  was 
extremely  hostile  to  the  French  name  and  to  our 
Society.  [325]  When  he  heard  that  Jesuits  had  ar- 
rived, he  exclaimed  that  such  extremely  wicked  men, 
the  sepulchers  of  piety  and  religion,  ought  to  be  de- 
stroyed. Argall  strove  against  him,  and  declared 
that,  while  he  lived,  no  annoyance  or  injury  should 
be  offered  to  the  Fathers,  for  he  had  given  them 
this  assurance;  and  he  produced  the  royal  commis- 
sion, by  authority  of  which  the  French  colony  was 
brought  to  New  France.  Incensed  by  this  commis- 
sion, the  man  declared  in  a  rage  that  the  French 
must  be  driven  from  New  France.     In  this  decision 


!  i 


I,' 


k 


I' 


/'I 


) 


•  ') 


■■      I 


;*    ' 


;•' 


( 


232 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JJ&SUITES  [Voi..  1 


naves  duas  in  Regio  Portu  deprehenfas,  invafit. 
Dum  haec  in  Canada  geruntur,  naves  Anglicre. 
praeeuntem  Argallum  fecutae,  aliae  procul  "k  Virginia 
ventorum  vi  abreptae ;  aliae  undis  hauftse  funt.  Una, 
cui  Turnellus  Angius  praeerat,  &  qua  Patres  Quinti- 
nus  ac  Biardus  vehebantur,  continentibus  fexdecim 
dierum  procellis  vexata,  in  Azores,  Lufitanorum  ad 
Africae  littus  infulas,  celerrime  defertur.  Hie  vero 
novum  exc:  'tur  periculum.  Turnellus  poenam  me- 
tuens,  quod  Societatis  facerdotes  per  fummam  imma- 
nitatem  domicilio  avulfos  fpoliatofque  fecum  traheret, 
indignifque  habuiffet  modis,  de  illoruni  nece  agitare 
confilia  ccepit.  Satius  denique  illi  vifurn  ad  eorum 
clementiam  &  humanitatem,  quam  in  graviffimis 
injuriis  perfpexerat,  confugere.  Operam  tamen  de- 
dit,  ne  intraret  portum;  fed  ftante  inancoris  navigio. 
neceffariam  annonam  immifsa  fcapha  pararet.  Con- 
tra quam  fperaverat  accidit.  Secundo  enim  vento 
impulfus,  portum  quamlibet  invitus  reludtanfque 
fubiit.  Noflri  de  illo,  quamvis  non  ita  merito,  ne 
verbum  quidem  ullum,  quo  accufaretur,  interpofuere : 
laeti  quod  hoftem  ita  fervalTent.  Agnovit  beneficium 
gubernator  Angius;  ac  deinceps  faepenumero  cum 
fumma  Patrum  laude  praedicavit.  Id  vero  multo  fe- 
cit impenfius,  cum  tempeftate  ad  Angliae  urbem  Pen- 
brochium  projedtus,  ejus  oppidi  magiltratibus  movit 
fufpicionem  maritimi  latronis,  quod  &  Francica  ve- 
heretur  navi,  neque  fcriptam  auc^oritatem  proferret. 
qua  fuam  navigationem  tueretur.     Affeveranti  fe  a 


w 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  R  EL  A  TIONS 


233 


the  English  councilors  agreed.  Argall  was  ordered 
to  retrace  his  path ;  to  expel  those  of  the  French 
who  remained ;  to  destroy  their  buildings,  and  level 
them  with  the  ground.  He  returned,  burned  the 
forts  built  upon  the  Canadian  coast,  destroyed  every- 
thing, and  seized  two  ships  which  he  found  at  Port 
Royal.«'^ 

While  these  things  were  taking  place  in  Canada, 
of  the  English  ships  which  were  following  the  lead 
of  Argall  some  were  driven  far  from  Virginia  by  the 
violence  of  the  wind ;  others  were  swamped  by  the 
waves.  One,  which  the  Englishman  Turnell  '^  com- 
manded, and  in  which  Fathers  Quentin  and  Biard 
were  being  conveyed,  after  being  driven  continu- 
ously for  sixteen  days  by  tempests,  was  quickly 
borne  to  the  Azores,  islands  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
belonging  to  the  Portuguese.  But  here  a  new 
danger  arose.  Turnell,  fearing  punishment  because 
he  was  carrying  with  him  and  was  holding  under 
unjust  conditions  priests  of  the  Society,  who  had 
been  torn  from  their  homes  and  robbed  with  the 
greatest  brutality,  began  to  consider  plans  for  mak- 
ing way  with  them.  Finally  it  seemed  better  to  him 
to  take  refuge  in  their  clemency  and  mildness,  which 
he  had  observed  amid  the  most  grievous  injuries. 
Nevertheless,  he  took  measures  that  they  should 
not  enter  the  port,  thinking  that  while  the  ship  stood 
at  anchor  he  might  procure  the  necessary  provisions 
by  sending  in  a  small  boat.  The  contrary  to  what 
he  had  expected  happened.  For,  impelled  by  an  in- 
shore breeze,  he  entered  the  harbor,  although  un- 
willingly and  reluctantly.  Our  friends,  contrary  to 
his  deserts,  interposed  not  even  a  word  by  which  he 
might  be  accused,  rejoicing  because  they  had,  in  this 
manner,  saved  an  enemy.     The  English  captain  rec- 


I 


// 


m 


J   ^ 


) 


r 


I) 


234 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  JESUITES  [Vol.  1 


it 


}f 


praetore  fno  Argallo  tempeftate  divulfum,  fidCvS  non 
habebatiir.  In  tanto  difcrimine  facerdotes  duOS  So- 
cietatis  teftes  citavit,  quos  haberet  in  navi,  &  quo- 
rum incorrupta  fides  nemini  venire  poilet  in  dubium. 
Cum  Patres  interrogati  rem  ita  fe  habere  confirmaf- 
fent,  periculo  liberatus  eft.  Reddidit  quam  debebat 
illorum  liumanitati  vicem ;  utque  ipfivS  non  folum 
effet  impune,  fed  etiam  ut  a  magiltratu  honor  habe- 
retur,  curavit.  Certior  interim  fadlus  Regis  Chrifti- 
aniffimi  orator  de  Patrum  navigatione  difficili,  &  in 
Angliam  adventu,  egit  cum  Anglian  Rege  de  remit- 
tendis  illis  in  Galliam.  Quo  annuente,  Ambianum 
decimo,  qu^m  fuerant  capti,  menfe  ad  Socios  laeti 
fofpitefque  pervenerunt. 


l( 


I(il0-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


235 


ognized  their  kindness,  and  afterwards  often  spoke 
with  great  praise  of  the  Fathers.  But  this  he  did 
much  more  unreservedly  when,  borne  by  a  storm  to 
Pembroke,  a  city  of  England,  he  was  suspected  by 
the  officials  of  that  town  of  piracy  on  the  high  seas, 
because  he  was  sailing  in  a  French  ship  and  produced 
no  written  authority  by  which  he  might  justify  his 
voyage.  When  he  asserted  that  he  had  been  sepa- 
rated by  a  storm  from  his  commander,  Argall,  no  cre- 
dence was  given  to  him.  In  this  crisis  he  mentioned 
as  witnesses  the  two  priests  of  the  Society  whom  he 
had  in  the  ship,  and  whose  uncorrupted  integrity 
could  be  doubted  by  no  one.  When  the  Fathers, 
on  being  questioned,  had  given  assurance  that  the 
affair  was  thus,  he  was  released  from  danger.  He 
made  the  requital  which  was  due  to  their  kindness, 
and  took  care  that  they  should  not  only  suffer  no 
harm,  but  even  that  they  should  be  shown  honor  by 
the  officials.  Meantime  the  ambassador  of  the  Most 
Christian  King,  upon  being  informed  of  the  toilsome 
voyage  of  the  Fathers,  carried  on  negotiations  with 
the  King  of  England  concerning  their  restoration  to 
France.  With  his  consent,  they  arrived,  in  the  tenth 
month  after  their  capture,  joyfully  and  safely  among 
their  Brethren  at  Amiens. 


|- 


iii 


IM 


!i 


\\  \  I 


s\.\ 


I 'I 


(,: 


ii  '^ 


m 


236 


LES  RELAriONS  DES  JESUiriiS  [Vol.  1 


) 


r 


I     ! 


\ 


*'| 


\ 


i'H 


I  i. 


I  .i) 


APPENDIX. 

Miffiones  Societatis  lefv  in  America  Septentrio- 
nali  Anno  M.DCC.X.     [961] 

A  PUD  Abnaquaeos  miffiones.     Aux  Abnaquis. 
S.  Angeli  Ciiftodis  miffio.     Dc  F Angc  Gardien. 

Baiognlana  milf.     Bam^ula. 
Chigutiminiana  milT.     Chigontunini. 
S.  Francifci  Salelii  miff.      Dc  S.  Frauqois  dc  Sales. 
S.    Francifci   Xaverii  miiY.     Dc  S.  Francois  Xavier. 
Huronica  ref.     Aiix  Nitrons. 
S.  Ignatii  miff.     Dc  S.  Ignacc. 

Immaculatae    Conceptionis    miff.       Dc    V ImuiacuUe 
Conception. 

Ad  feptcm  Infulas  miff.     Aux  Sept  Isles. 
S.  Jofephi  miff.     De  S.  Jofcpn. 
Apud  Ilinaeos  miffiones.      Aux  Ilinois. 
Apud  Iroquaios  miffiones.      Aux  Iroquois. 
Lauretana  miffio.      De  Lorettc. 

Ad  ripas,  &  oftium  fliivii  Miffiffipi  miffiones.     Aux 
bords,  &  (J  r embouchure  du  Miffiffipi. 

[962 1     Montis-regalis  ref.     Mon\t\-real. 

Nipifikoiiitana  miffio.     Nipifikovit. 

Apud  (3utakoiiacos  miffiones.     Aux  Outakovacs. 

Sagnenaea  miffio.     Du  Saguenai. 

Saltenfis  miffio.     Du  Sault  de  Sainte  Marie. 

In  filvis  miffiones.      Dans  les  fore/is. 

Taduffacenfis  miff.     De  Tadoujfak. 

Trifluviana  miff.     Aux  trois  Rivieres. 

Numerantur  Socii  .  .  .42. 


vt 


!\ 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


287 


APPENDIX. 


Missions  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  North 
America  in  the  Year  1710.    [961] 


M 


ISSIONvS  among  the  Abenakis. 

Mission  of  the  Holy  Guardian  Angel. 
Baiogula  mission. 
Chigoutimini  mission. 
Mission  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales. 
Mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier. 
Huron  residence. 
Mission  of  St.  Ignatius. 
Mission  of  the  Immaculate  Conception. 
Mission  at  the  .seven  Islands. 
Mission  of  St.  Joseph. 
Missions  among  the  Ilinois. 
Missions  among  the  Iroquois. 
Mission  of  Lorette. 
Missions  on  the  banks  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 

Mississippi  river. 
[962]  Residence  of  Montreal. 
Nipisikouit  mission. 
MivSsions  among  the  Outakouacs. 
Saguenay  mission. 
Mission  of  Sault  de  Sainte  Marie. 
Forest  missions. 
Tadoussac  mission. 
Mission  at  Three  Rivers. 

NiDiibcr  of  brctJircn  .  .  .42 


i 

At 


{. 


(i 


^t\\ 


i\] 


■ 

1 

i    < 

1 

t 

1 

:il 


M 


iiPf 


r 


if      i:! 


II' 


(! 


VIII 

JOUVENCY'S 

De  Regione  ac  Moribus  Canadensium 

ROME:  GIORGIO  PLACKO,  1710 


Source  :  We  follow  the  general  style  of  O'Callaghan's  Re- 
print No.  5.  The  Title-page,  Tabula  Rerum,  and  Re- 
rum  hisigniorum  Indiculus,  are  the  work  of  that  Edi- 
tor. The  Text,  he  reprinted  from  Jouvency's  His- 
toria  Socictatis  Jcsu  (Rome,  1710),  part  v.,  pp.  344- 
347  ;  we  have  read  the  proof  thereof,  from  a  copy  of 
that  work  found  in  the  library  of  the  College  of  St. 
Francis  Xavier,  New  York.  The  bracketed  pagination 
is  that  of  Jouvency  ;  except  in  the  Tabula  Rerum  and 
Rerum  hisigniorum  Indiculus,  which  is  that  of  O'Cal- 
laghan. 


'k 


; 


DE 


1    , 


REGIONK  ET  MORIBUS 


ill 


CANADENSIUM 


i( 


SEU  BARBARORUM 


NOV^E    FRANCIS 


Auctore  Josepho  Juvencio,  Societatis 
Jefu,  Sacerdote. 


I'  . 


Ex  Hiltoriae  Sou.  Jelu.  Lib.  xv.  Parte  v,  imprelta 


R  O  M  JE  : 

Ex  Tyjjographia  Georgii  Plachi 

M.  I).  CC.   X. 


CONCERNING  TlIK 


COUNTRY  AND  MANNERS 


OF   THE   CANADIANS, 


OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF 


NEW     FRANCE 


I 


I 


By  Joseph  Jouvency,  a  Priest  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus. 


,}■: 


Printed  from  the  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Book 

XV.,  Part  V. 


R  O  M  E  ; 

Printini;  House  of  Gion^^io  Plaeko 
1710. 


)' 


\ 


Wn 


ll 


242 


I.KS  KELA170NS  J)ES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


P 


i^ 


) 


|3J    Tabula  Rerum 


Pag. 


I       V^LUMjNA   Nov(e  Franciie  ;  foil  natnra  ; 

*        firie,  pifccs,   avis,   &c.  ,  ,         5 

II       Canadiiijhtni  douiiis  &  res  fmniliaris  ;   niorbi ; 

<egroriiin  cnra  &  mortuorum  ,  .       16 

III  Belli   geriiidi    ratio ;     or  ma ;    erudelitas    in 

eaptivos       .  .  .  .  .27 

IV  ///doles    a)iimi :     eorporis    eitl/us  ;    eibi,    eo/i- 

vivia  ;  fitpellex  ;  religio,  &  fiiperjlitioiies  .       a 


;  ( 


M 


$  1 


I 

'I 


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THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


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1 6 


[3]  Table  of  Contents. 

{The page  numbers  refer  to  O'Callnghau's  Reprint.] 


R 


I  VERS  of  New  France;    nature  of  the 
sot'/ ;    ivild  beasts,  fish,  birds,  ete. 


Page. 


5 


II  Homes  and  household  eeononiy  of  the  Canadi- 
ans ;  diseases  ;  treatment  of  the  sick  and  of 
the  dead     .  .  .  ,  ■" .        1 6 

III  Mode  of  loar fare ;    weapons;    cruelty  to  pris- 

oners .  .  ,  ,  -27 

IV  Mental  character  isties;  care  of  the  body;  food; 

feasts  ;  household  utensils  ;   religion  and  su- 
perstitions .  .  .  .  '       Zo 


p  W^ 


h 


J 


\lr 


h 


314 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J/tSUITES  [Voi,.  1 


[344  §.  X.  I    De   regione  ac   moribus  Canadenfi- 
um,  feu  barbarorum  Novse  Franci^e. 


'i 


)■] 


n 


\\.s 


'  1 


I 


FLUMINA  NOV^:  FRANCIS;    SOLI  NATURA  ;    FER^, 
PISCES,    AVES,    &C. 

DUO  ftmt  ill  Nova  Francia  majores  fluvii.  Unus 
ab  indigenis  Canada  nominatus,  &  a  quo  tota 
regio  nomen  traxit,  nunc  fluvius  Sandli  Laii- 
rentii  dicitiir,  &  ab  occafu  in  ortiim  ampliffimo  fluit 
alveo.  Alter,  cui  nomen  Miflifji'is,  per  vafta,  &  igno- 
ta  magnam  adhiic  partem,  terrariim  fpatia  fertur 
a  Septentrione  in  Meridiem.  Habent  hoc  fingulare 
hujus  regionis  fluvii,  quod  certis  in  locis  ex  editiore 
folo  praecipitant  in  humiliorem  planitiem  ingenti 
cum  ftrepitu.  Ea  loca  faltus  vocant  Franci.  Cata- 
dupa  redle  dixeris,  qualia  in  Nilo  celebrantur.  Aqua 
tota  flumini.s,  in  niorem  arcuati  fornicis,  ita  fa:pe  ca- 
dit,  ut  infra  fufpenfum  alte  amnem  ficco  veftigio  tran- 
fire  liceat.  Barbari,  cum  hue  ventum  eft,  fuas  navi- 
culas,  e  levi  compadias  cortice,  imponunt  humeris, 
&  in  placidam  fluminis,  alveo  deprefliore  fluentis, 
partem  eas  deportant,  cum  farcinulis.  Urbs  novae 
Franciae  primaria  Kebecum  nuncupatur,  vS.  Laurentii 
fluvio  impofita.  Ccelo  falubri  tota  regio  utitur ;  at  hy- 
em'"  frigida,  &  diuturna  vexatur.  Hanc  efficit  partim 
fluminum  &  lacuum  crebritas;  partim  opacitas  &  am- 


Vif:     >^^  ''v"; 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


245 


[344  §  X.]    Concerning  ihe  country  and  manners 
of  the  Savages  of  New  France. 


RIVERS  OF  NEW  FRANCE;    NATURE  OF  THE  SOIL; 
WILD    BEASTS,    FISH,    BIRDS,    ETC. 

THERE  are  two  great  rivers  in  New  France.  One, 
called  by  the  natives  Canada,  a  name  thence  ex- 
tended to  the  whole  country,  is  now  called  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  and  flows  in  a  very  broad  charnel 
from  west  to  east.  The  other,  named  Mississippi, 
flows  from  North  to  Sonth,  through  ^  ast  regions,  for 
the  most  part  still  unknown.  The  rivers  ■  "  this  land 
are  remarkable  because  in  certain  places  they  are 
precipitated  with  a  great  uproar  from  the  higher  to 
the  lower  levels.  The  French  call  those  places  wa- 
ter-falls. You  might  justly  call  them  cataracts,  such 
as  are  famous  in  the  case  of  the  Nile.  The  water  of 
an  entire  river  often  falls  in  the  form  of  an  ar^h,  in 
such  fashion  that  it  is  possible  to  wa^';  dry-shod  be- 
r  ;ath  the  stream  which  rushes  overhead.  The  sav- 
ages, when  they  come  to  such  a  spot,  shoulder  their 
boats,  which  are  constructed  of  light  bark,  and  carry 
them,  together  with  the  baggage,  to  the  calm  por- 
ti'  '  of  the  river  flowing  below.  The  chief  city  of 
new  France  is  called  Kebec,  and  is  situated  on  the 
C'- .  Lawrence  river.  The  whole  country  possesses 
a  ^.ealthful  climate,  but  is  harassed  by  a  cold  and 
long  winter.  This  is  caused  partly  by  the  frequency 
of  the  rivers  md  lakes;  partly  by  the  thickness  and 
great  extent  (f  the  ft)rests,  which  diminish  the  force 
of  the  sun's  heat;  finally,  by  the  abundance  of  snow 


U 


) 


24(5 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


I  ' 


\\ 


plitudo  nemorum,  quse  vim  folis  calidam  infringunt; 
denique  nivium  copia,  quibus  terra  tres  quatuorve 
menfes,  in  iis  locis  quae  ab  Boream  propius  accedunt, 
&  eidem  ac  vetus  Gallia  parallelo  fubjacent,  conti- 
nenter  inhorrefcit.  Humus  omnium  arborum  plan- 
tarumque  frraciflima,  praefc  'tim  ubi  excifse  Hlvae 
locum  culturae  majorem  prsebuerunt.  Quadrupedes 
eaedem,  quae  in  Europa:  nonnullae  regionis  propriae 
funt,  ut  alces.  Magnam  belluam  indigenae  appellant. 
Id  nominis  invenit  'k  mole  corporis:  bovem  enim 
aequat  magnitudine.  Mulum  capite  refert;  cervum 
cornibus,  pedibus,  &  cauda.  Eam  canibus  immiffis 
barbari  agitant;  defatigatam  conficiunt  jaculis  & 
miffilibus.  Si  defunt  venatici  canes,  ipfi  vicem  illo- 
rum  v^.xcunt.  Per  medias  quippe  nives  incredibili 
celeritate  gradiuntur,  ac  ne  corporis  pondus  veftigia 
pedum  altius  in  nivem  deprimat,  fublternunt  plantis, 
inleruntque  pedibus,  lata  reticula,  illis  fimillima, 
quibus  pilam  lufores  vulgo  pulfant.  Haec  reticula, 
fpatium  nivis  ac  I'oli  fatis  magnum  amplexa,  curren- 
tes  facile  fullinent.  Alces  vero  crura  exilia  defigens 
alte  in  niv^m,  aegre  fe  expedit.  Illius  carnibus  vef- 
cuntur,  teguntur  pelle,  ungula  poiterioris  fmiflri 
pedis  fanantur.  Huic  ungulae  mira  qutedam  &  mul- 
tiplex virtus  ineft,  medicorum  celeberrimorum  teTti- 
monio  commendata.  Valet  in  primis  adverfus  mor- 
bum  comitialem,  five  admoveatur  pec5lori,  qua  parte 
oor  micat;  five  indatur  palae  annuli,  quern  digitus 
Inevae  minimo  proximus  geftet;  five  demum  teneatur 


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THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


247 


with  which  the  land,  in  its  most  Northern  regions, 
which  lie  upon  the  same  parallel  as  old  France,  is 
continually  desolated  for  three  or  four  months.  The 
soil  is  extremely  productive  of  all  sorL,  of  trees  and 
plants,  especially  where  the  clearing  of  the  forest  has 
furnished  additional  space  for  cultivation.  The  same 
quadrupeds  are  found  as  in  Europe;  some,  as  the 
moose,  are  peculiar  to  the  country.  The  natives  call 
it  the  "  great  beast."  This  name  it  receives  because 
of  the  huge  size  of  its  body,  for  it  is  as  large  as  an 
ox.  Its  head  resembles  that  of  a  mule ;  its  horns, 
hoofs,  and  tail,  those  of  a  stag.  The  .savages  hunt  this 
animal  with  the  aid  of  dogs ;  when  it  is  worn  out  they 
dispa:ch  it  with  .spears  and  missiles.  If  hunting- 
dogs  are  lacking,  they  themselves  go  in  place  of 
them.  Indeed,  they  proceed  through  the  midst  of 
the  snow  with  incredible  swiftness ;  and,  in  order  that 
the  weight  of  the  body  may  not  sink  their  feet  too 
deeply  into  the  snow,  ti^ey  place  beneath  their  soles, 
and  fasten  to  their  feet,  broad  pieces  of  net- work,  very 
similar  to  those  with  which  players  commonly  strike 
the  ball.  These  pieces  of  net-work,  which  cover  a 
sufficiently  large  portion  of  the  surface  of  the  snow, 
readily  support  them  while  running.  But  the  moose, 
planting  their  slender  legs  deeply  into  the  snow, 
with  difficulty  extricate  themselves.  The  savages 
eat  its  flesh,  are  clothed  with  its  skin,  and  are  cured 
by  the  hoof  of  its  left  hind  leg.  In  this  hoof  there 
is  a  certain  marvelous  and  manifold  virtue,  as  is 
affirmed  by  the  testimony  of  the  most  famous  physi- 
cians. It  avails  especially  against  the  epilepsy, 
whether  it  be  applied  to  the  breast,  where  the  heart 
is  throbbing,  or  whether  it  be  placed  in  the  bezel  of  a 
ring,  which  is  worn  upon  the  finger  next  to  the  little 
finger  of  the  left  hand ;  or,  finally,  if  it  be  also  held 


(• 


If 


(  ' 


111 

1/  1  h'. 


248 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.  1 


in  ejufdetn  uniftrae  vola,  in  pugnuni  contradta.  Nee 
minorem  vim  habet  ad  fanandam  pleuritidem,  capitis 
vertigines,  &  fexcentos  alios,  fi  credimus  expertis, 
morbos. 

Alterum  animantis  genus  illic  notiffimum  &  fre- 
quentiffimum  eft  fiber,  cujus  pelle,  cum  Europaeis 
meroibus  mutanda,  commercii  Canadenfis  ratio  fere 
tota  conftat.  Color  caftaneae  colorem  imitatur ;  mo- 
dus cor[po]ris  idem,  qui  exigui  vervecis:  curti  pedes 
&  ad  natandum  compofiti,  nam  in  aquis  perinde  ac  in 
terra  degit ;  cauda  glabra,  craffa  &  plana,  quae  natanti 
pro  gubernaculo  fit:  denies  duo,  majores  ceteris,  ex 
ore  utrimque  prominent .  iis  tanquam  gladio  &  f erra 
utuntur  fibri  ad  arbores  exfcindendas,  cum  domos 
extruunt ;  in  iis  enim  fabricandis  mira  pollent  in- 
duftria.  Eas  ponunt  ad  lacuum  fluviorumve  ripas: 
muros  e  ftip^"tibus  componunt,  interjecl;o  cefpite  uligi- 
nofo  ac  tenaci,  calcis  inftar;  vix  ut  multT  vi  eft'ringi 
opus  &  convelli  poffit.  Tota  cafae  fabrica  variis  con- 
tignationibus  diltinguitur :  infima  e  tranfverfis  lignis 
craflioribus  conftat,  inftratis  defuper  ramis,  ac  re- 
lic5to  foramine  &  oftiolo,  per  quod  in  fluvium  fubire, 
cum  videtur,  pofilnt:  Haec  modice  fupra  fluminis 
aquam  exftat,  alise  afi^urgunt  altius,  in  eafque,  fi  fiu- 
vius  intumefcens  imum  tabulatum  vicerit,  fe  recep- 
tant.  In  una  h  fuperioribus  contignationibus  cubant ; 
praebet  molle  ftratum  alga  ficcior,  &  arborum  mufcus, 
quo  fe  tutantur  a  frigore;  in  altera  penum  habent,  & 
provifa    in   liyeniem    cibaria.      ^dificium    fornicato 


i[' 


Ff   I 


.1  i'i 


x-*^ 


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THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


249 


in  the  hollow  of  the  left  hand,  clenched  in  the  fist. 
Nor  does  it  have  less  power  in  the  cure  of  pleurisy, 
dizziness,  and,  if  we  may  believe  those  familiar  with 
it,  six  hundred  other  diseases. 

Another  well-known  and  common  sort  of  animal 
there,  is  the  beaver;  its  skins,  which  are  exchanged 
for  European  merchandise,  being  the  basis  of  almost 
the  entire  system  of  Canadian  commerce.  Its  color 
resembles  that  of  the  chestnut ;  the  shape  of  its  body 
is  like  that  of  a  small  wether ;  its  legs  are  short  and 
formed  for  swimming;  its  tail,  which  it  uses  as  a 
rudder  while  swimming,  is  smooth,  thick  and  flat; 
two  teeth,  larger  than  the  others,  project  from  its 
mouth  on  each  side;  these,  the  beavers  use  like  a 
sword  and  a  saw  in  cutting  down  trees  when  they 
build  their  houses,  for  in  the  construction  of  these 
they  exhibit  wonderful  industry.  They  locate  them 
on  the  banks  of  lakes  or  rivers ;  they  build  walls  of 
logs,  placing  between  them  wet  and  sticky  sods  in 
the  place  of  mortar,  so  that  the  work  can,  even  with 
great  violence,  scarcely  be  torn  apart  and  destroyed. 
The  entire  house  is  divided  into  several  stories;  the 
lowest  is  composed  of  thicker  cross-beams,  with 
branches  strewn  upon  them,  and  provided  with  a 
hole  or  small  door  through  which  they  can  pass  into 
the  river  whenever  they  wish ;  this  story  extends 
somewhat  above  the  water  of  the  river,  while  the 
others  rise  higher,  into  which  they  retire  if  the 
swelling  stream  submerges  the  lowest  floor.  They 
sleep  in  one  of  the  upper  stories;  a  soft  bed  is  fur- 
nished by  dry  seaweed  and  tree  moss,  with  which 
they  protect  themselves  from  the  cold ;  on  another 
floor  they  have  their  store-room,  and  food  provided 
for  winter.  The  building  is  covered  with  a  dome- 
shaped  roof.     Thus  they  pass  the  winter,  for  in  sum- 


\i 


\. 


I'i 


'f  ^ 


250 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.  1 


I 


tedto  clauditur.  Sic  hyemem  exigimt:  nam  aeftate, 
opacum  in  ripis  frigus  captant,  aut  undis  immerfi  ca- 
lores  seflivos  fugiunt.  In  una  fsepe  domo  ingens, 
&  multorum  capitum  familia  ftabulatur.  Quod  fi  loci 
premuntur  anguf  iis,  difcedunt  juniores  ultro,  &  fua 
fibi  domicilia  moliuntur.  In  earn  curam  incumbunt 
fub  prima  autumni  frigora,  &  mutuas  fibi  invicem 
operas  commodant,  turn  ad  fecanda  ligna,  tum  ad 
comportanda,  ita  ut  plures  uni  eidemque  fuccedant 
oneri,  &  ingentia  ramalia,  nemorifque  ftragem,  deve- 
hant.  Si  quem  fluvium  nancifcuntur  ad  fuos  accom- 
modatum  ufus,  non  tamen  fatis  alto  gurgite,  ftruunt 
aggerem  coercendis  aquis,  donee  ad  idoneam  altitu- 
dinem  affurgant.  Ac  primo  quidem  arbcres  grandio- 
res  arrodendo  dejiciur "■ :  deinde  tranfverfas  ab  una  ripa 
ducunt  ad  alteram.  Duplicem  verfum  &  ordinem  ar- 
borum  faciunt;  relidto  inter  illas  obliqufe  fic  pofitas 
fpatio  fex  fere  pedum,  quod  referciunt  caementis,  ar- 
gilla,  ramis,  tam  folerter,  nihil  ut  perfedtius  k  fummo 
architedlo  expedtes.  Operis  longitudo  major  minorve 
eft,  pro  fluvii,  quem  coercere  volunt,  modo.  Duce- 
num  aliquando  paffuum  ejufmodi  aggeres  reperti.  At, 
fi  amnis  plus  jufto  intumefcit,  diffringunt  aliquam 
molis  partem,  ac  tantum  emittunt  aquae,  quantum  fa- 
tis videtur. 

Ut  feris  filvae,  fic  pifcibus  abundant  flumina.  Unus 
eft  in  Iroquaeorum  lacu,  de  quo  nihil  k  prifcis  le- 
gitur  proditum  fcriptoribus.  Caufarus  ab  indigenis 
vocatur:  odto  pedes  longus,  aliquando  decern.    Craffi- 


\M 


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THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


251 


mer  they  enjoy  the  shady  coolness  upon  the  shores, 
or  escape  the  summer  heat  by  plunging  into  the  wa- 
ter. Often  a  great  colony  of  many  members  is  lodged 
in  one  house.  But,  if  they  be  incommoded  by  the 
narrowness  of  the  place,  the  younger  ones  depart  of 
their  own  accord  and  construct  homes  for  them- 
selves. Upon  the  advent  of  cool  weather  in  autumn, 
they  devote  themselves  to  this  task,  and  lend  mutual 
services  in  turn,  both  in  cutting  and  carrying  logs,  so 
that  many  assist  at  one  and  the  same  burden,  and  thus 
carry  down  great  branches  and  logs  of  forest  trees. 
If  they  find  any  river  suitable  for  their  purposes, 
except  in  having  sufficient  depth,  they  build  a  dam 
to  keep  back  the  water  until  it  rises  to  the  required 
height.  And  first,  by  gnawing  them,  they  fell  trees 
of  large  size ;  then  they  lay  them  across  from  one 
shore  to  the  other.  They  construct  a  double  barrier 
and  rampart  of  logs,  obliquely  placed,  leaving  between 
them  a  space  of  about  six  feet,  which  they  so  ingen- 
iously fill  in  with  stones,  clay,  and  branches  that  one 
would  expect  nothing  better  from  the  most  skillful 
architect.  The  length  of  the  structure  is  greater 
or  less,  according  to  the  size  of  the  stream  which 
they  wish  to  restrain.  Dams  of  this  kind  a  fifth 
of  a  mile  long  are  sometimes  found.  But,  if  the 
river  swell  more  than  is  safe,  they  break  open  some 
part  of  the  structure,  and  let  through  as  much  water 
as  seems  sufficient. 

As  the  forests  abound  in  wild  beasts,  so  the  rivers 
teem  with  fish.  There  is  one  in  the  lake  of  the  Iro- 
quois,*^'' which  is  not  mentioned  by  early  authors.  It 
is  called  by  the  natives  "  Causar, "  and  is  eight  feet 
long,  sometimes  ten.  It  is  as  thick  as  the  human 
thigh;  it  is  dun-colored,  approaching  white;  it 
bristles  all  over  with  scales,  so  hard  and  so  firmly  set 


\ 


"r^ 


mmm 


252 


I  \ 


(. 


} 


f^al! 


i  ' 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


tudo,  humani  femoris;  color  leucophaeus,  candido 
tamen  propior;  fquamis  totus  horret  tarn  duris,  tam- 
que  valid^  confertis,  ut  aciem  pugionis,  &  haltilium, 
excludant.  Caput  amplum,  &  cranio  praeduro,  tan- 
qiiam  caffide,  munitum.  Hinc  pifcis  armati  nomen 
illi  "k  Gallis  inditiim,  Et  vero  perpetua  cum  aliis 
pifcibus  bella  gerit,  quorum  exitio  pafcitur.  Pro 
telo  roflrum  immane  gerit,  humani  brachii  longitu- 
dine,  gemino  dentium  ordine  inftrudlum.  Hoc  vena- 
bulo  non  folum  reliquos  madtat  pifces,  verum  etiam 
avibus,  cum  mutare  dapes  cupit,  infidiatur  &  illudit. 
Earn  ob  rem  occultat  fe  inter  caredta:  roftrum  ex- 
ertat  aquis,  ac  paulifper  diducit.  Sic  perftat  immo- 
tus  donee  accedaut  volucres,  &  incautae  roltro  infi- 
deant,  arundinem  aut  virgultum  ratse:  continuo  per- 
fidus  infidiator,  mifellarura  pedes  contracflo  roftro 
flringit,  &  '  i  gurgitem  demerfas  vorat. 

Non  minor  volucrum  eft  copia,  qu^m  pifcium. 
Certis  menfibus  palumbes  e  filvis  prorumpunt  in 
agros  tanto  niimero,  ut  arborum  ramos  praegravent ; 
quibus  poftquam  mfederunt  noc^u,  facile  capiuntar, 
&  barbaras  menfas  regali  ferculo  cumulant.  Prsete- 
rea  in  vaftiffimo  finu,  in  quem  evolvit  fe  flumen  fandti 
Laurentii,  cernitur  exigua  infula,  feu  potius  biceps 
fcopulus:  infulam  volucrum  dicunt.  Tot  enim  e5 
convolant  e  finitimo  pelago,  ut  inire  numerum  ne- 
queas.  Indigence  fuftibus  praedam  non  difficilem  com- 
minuunt,  aut  pedibus  conculcant;  cymbafque  lautis 
dapibus,  «&  inemptis  [345]  plenas  referunt.     Ludunt 


% 


K^ 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


253 


together  that  they  turn  the  edge  of  a  knife  or  the 
point  of  a  spear.  The  head  is  large,  and  protected 
by  an  exceedingly  hard  skull,  like  a  helmet.  Hence 
the  name  of  '*  armored  fish  "  has  been  given  it  by 
the  French.  It  carries  on  perpetual  war  with,  and 
feeds  upon,  other  fishes.  For  a  weapon  it  carries  an 
immense  beak,  of  the  length  of  a  man's  arm  and  fur- 
nished with  a  double  row  of  teeth.  With  this  hunt- 
ing-spear it  not  only  devours  other  fishes,  but  also, 
whenever  it  wishes  to  vary  its  diet,  deceives  and  en- 
snares birds.  For  this  latter  purpose  it  hides  itself 
among  the  sedge ;  it  projects  its  beak  from  the  water 
and  opens  it  slightly.  It  thus  remains  motionless 
until  the  birds  approach  and  thoughtlessly  perch 
upon  the  beak,  deeming  it  a  reed  or  a  bush;  then 
the  treacherous  ensnarer  seizes  the  feet  of  the  tmfor- 
tunate  birds  by  closing  its  beak,  and,  dragging  them 
into  the  water,  devours  them.^** 

The  birds  are  fully  as  abundant  as  the  fishes. 
During  certain  months  of  the  year  the  pigeons  sally 
forth  from  the  woods  into  the  open  country  in  such 
great  numbers  that  they  overload  the  branches  of 
the  trees.  When  they  have  settled  upon  the  trees  at 
night  they  are  easily  captured,  and  the  savages  heap 
their  tables  with  royal  abundance.  Besides  this,  in 
the  huge  gulf  into  which  the  river  saint  Lawrence 
flows  may  be  seen  a  small  island,  or  rather  a  double 
rock ;  they  call  it  the  isle  of  birds.**"  For  so  many 
congregate  there  from  the  neighboring  ocean  that  it 
is  impossible  to  count  their  numbers.  The  natives 
make  an  easy  prey  of  them  with  clubs,  or  by  tramp- 
ling them  under  foot,  and  bring  back  their  canoes 
filled  with  sumptuous  food  acquired  without  price. 
[345]  Everywhere  may  be  seen,  sporting  in  the  water, 
geese,  ducks,  herons,  cranes,  swans,  coots  and  other 


fv«    h 


I  < 


264 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


in  aquis  paffim  anferes,  anates,  ardeae,  grues,  olores, 
fulicse ;  &  aves  aliae,  vidtum  ex  undi.s  petere  folitae. 
Peculiare  quiddam  habet  una,  gallinae  fimilis,  fi  mo- 
lem  fpedles;  pennis  in  tergo  nigricantibus,  fub  alvo 
candidis.  Pedum  alter  unguibus  aduncis  armatur; 
alter  digitos  levi  &  continua  pelle  junc5tos  habet, 
qualis  eft  anatum;  hoc  natat,  illo  pifces  trahit  Ac 
evifcerat. 


'\ 


Hill 


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1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


256 


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birds  whose  habit  it  is  to  seek  their  living  from  the 
waves.  A  certain  peculiarity  attaches  to  one,  which 
is  about  the  size  of  a  cock ;  its  wing':  are  black  on  the 
outside  and  white  beneath.  One  of  its  feet  is  armed 
with  hooked  claws,  the  other  has  webbed  toes,  like 
those  of  a  duck ;  with  the  latter  it  swims,  with  the 
former  it  seizes  and  di.sembowels  fishes. 


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CANADENSIUM    DOMUS  &   RES  FAMILIARIS ;    MORBI ; 
(EGRORUM     CURA    &     MORTUORUM. 

JAM,  fi  mores  &  indolem  gentis  requiras,  partim 
vagi  degunt,  in  filvis  per  hyemem,  qu6  venatio- 
nis  uberioris  vocat  fpes;  asftate,  ad  amnium 
ripas,  ubi  prsebet  facilem  annonam  pifcatus:  aliqui 
pagos  inoolunt.  Cafas  fabricantur  infixis  htimi  per- 
ticis  :  latera  corticibus  intexunt  ;  pellibus,  mufco, 
ramis  operiunt  faftigia.  In  media  cafa  focus:  in 
fummo  tedto  foramen,  emiiTarium  fumi.  Is  aegre 
eltidtatus  totam,  tit  plurimum,  cafam  fic  opplet,  ut 
coadtis  habitare  in  hoc  fumo  advenis  faepe  oculorum 
acieri  obtundattir,  &  hebefcat :  barbari,  durum  genus 
&  bis  ailuetum  incommodis,  rident.  Domefticae  rei 
cura,  &  quidquid  in  familia  laboris  eft,  imponitur 
feminis.  Illae  domos  figunt,  ac  refigunt;  aquam,  & 
ligna  devehunt,  cibos  apparant :  vicem  &  locum  man- 
cipiorum,  opificum,  &  jumentorum,  implent.  Vena- 
tionis  &  belli  cura,  virorum  eft.  Hinc  gentis  foli- 
tudo,  &  paucitas.  Mulieres  enim,  ceteroquin  haud 
infecundae,  his  diftridtae  laboribus,  neque  maturos 
edere  queunt  fetus,  neque  alere  jam  editos:  itaque 
aut  abortum  patiuntur,  aut  partus  recentes  deftituunt, 
aquationi,  lignationi,  ceterifque  operibus  intentae; 
vix  ut  trigefjmus  quifque  infans  adolefcat.  Accedit 
rei  medicae  infcitia,  cujus  ignoratio  facit  ut  h  morbis 
paulo  gravioribus  raro  emergant. 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


257 


HOMES    AND    HOUSEHOLD   ECONOMY   OF   THE  CANA- 
DIANS;    DISEASES;   TREATMENT   OF   THE 
SICK  AND    OF   THE   DEAD. 

NOW,  if  you  inquire  concerning  the  customs  and 
character  of  this  people,  I  will  reply  that  a 
part  of  them  are  nomads,  wandering  during 
the  winter  in  the  woods,  whither  the  hope  of  better 
hunting  calls  them  —  in  the  summer,  on  the  shores  of 
the  rivers,  where  they  easily  obtain  their  food  by  fish- 
ing; while  others  inhabit  villages.  They  construct 
their  huts  by  fixing  poles  in  the  ground ;  they  cover 
the  sides  with  bark,  the  roofs  with  hides,  moss  and 
branches.  In  the  middle  of  the  hut  is  the  hearth, 
from  which  the  smoke  escapes  through  an  opening  at 
the  peak  of  the  roof.  As  the  smoke  passes  out  with 
difficulty,  it  usually  fills  the  whole  hut,  so  that 
strangers  compelled  to  live  in  these  cabins  suffer  in- 
jury and  weakening  of  Lhe  eyes;  the  savages,  a  coarse 
race,  and  accustomed  to  these  discomforts,  ridicule 
this.  The  care  of  household  affairs,  and  whatever 
work  there  may  be  in  the  family,  are  placed  upon  the 
women.  They  build  and  repair  the  wigwams,  carry 
water  and  wood,  and  prepare  the  food ;  their  duties 
and  position  are  those  of  slaves,  laborers  and  beasts 
of  burden.  The  pursuits  of  hunting  and  war  belong 
to  the  men.  Thence  arise  the  isolation  and  numeri- 
cal weakness  of  the  race.  For  the  women,  although 
naturally  prolific,  cannot,  on  account  of  their  occupa- 
tion in  these  labors,  either  bring  forth  fully-devel- 
oped offspring,  or  properly  nourish  them  after  they 
have  been  brought  forth ;  therefore  they  either  suffer 


/.. 


1; 


268 


LES  RELATIONS  DES /^SUITES  [Vol.1 


h 


I: 


[ 


(      I 


) 


l! 


,.:U'? 

^       1  4 


Duos  maximfe  fontes  morborum  ftatiiunt:  unum 
ex  ipfa  aegrotantis  mente  ortum,  quae  defideret  quid- 
piam,  ac  tandiu  corpus  aegrum  vexet,  durn  re  de- 
fiderata  potiatur.  Putant  enim  ineffe  in  hominum 
unoquoque  innata  quaedam  defideria,  faepe  ipfis  igno- 
ta,  quibus  fmgulorum  felicitas  contineatur.  Ad  ejuf- 
modi  defideria  &  innatas  appetitiones  cognofcendas 
adliibent  hariolos,  quibus  banc  divinitus  conceffam 
facultatem  arbitrantur,  ut  animorum  intimos  receffup. 
pervideant.  lUi,  quodcumque  primum  occurrit,  aut 
ex  quo  fieri  quaeftum  aliquem  pofTe  fufpicantur,  ab 
segro  defiderari  pronunciant.  Nee  dubitant  paren- 
tes,  amici,  &  confanguinei  aegrotantis,  quidquid  illud 
fit,  quantivis  pretii,  comparare  ac  largiri  aegro,  nun- 
quam  pofl;ea  repofcendum.  Ille  dono  fruitur,  & 
lucri  partem  hariolis  af pergit ;  ac  faepe  poflridie  vita 
cedit.  Vulgo  tamen  relevantur  aegroti,  quippe  levi- 
bus  tentati  morbis:  nam  in  gravioribus  timidiores 
funt  ifti  praefligiatores,  negantque  inveniri  pofl'e  quid 
aegrotus  defideret :  tunc  eum  depofitum  conclamant, 
auc5torefque  funt  confanguineis  ut  hominem  tollant  h 
medio.  Ita  longiore  morbo  vexatos  necant,  aut  fcnio 
feflos;  eamque  caritatem  fummam  interpretantur, 
quia  mors  aerumnis  languentium  finem  ponit.  Ean- 
dem  benevolentiam  adhibent  erga  pueros  parentibus 
orbatos,  quos  nullos  efle  malunt,  quam  miferos.  Al- 
terum  f ontem  morborum  eiTe  cenf ent  veneficorum  oc- 
cultas  artes,  &  praeftigias,  quas  ridiculis  caerimoniis 
conantur  averruncare.    Saepe  noxios  humores  ejiciunt 


^ 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TJONS 


259 


abortion,  or  forsake  their  new-born  children,  while 
engaged  in  carrying  water,  procuring  wood  and  other 
taeks,  so  that  scarcely  one  infant  in  thirty  iiurvives 
until  youth.  To  this  there  is  added  their  ignorance 
of  medicine,  because  of  which  they  seldom  recover 
from  illnesses  which  are  at  all  severe. 

They  believe  that  there  are  two  main  sources  of 
disease :  one  of  these  is  in  the  mind  of  the  patient 
himself,  which  desires  something,  and  will  vex  the 
body  of  the  sick  man  until  it  possesses  the  thing  re- 
quired. For  they  think  that  there  aie  in  every  man 
certain  inborn  desires,  often  unknown  to  themselves, 
upon  which  the  happiness  of  individuals  depends. 
For  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  desires  and  innate 
appetites  of  this  character,  they  summon  soothsay- 
ers, who,  as  they  think,  have  a  divinely-imparted 
power  to  look  into  the  inmost  recesses  of  the  mind. 
These  men  declare  that  whatever  first  occurs  to 
them,  or  something  from  which  they  suspect  some 
gain  can  be  derived,  is  desired  by  the  sick  person. 
Thereupon  the  parents,  friends,  and  relatives  of  the 
patient  do  not  hesitate  to  procure  and  lavish  upon  him 
whatever  it  may  be,  however  expensive,  a  return  of 
which  is  never  thereafter  to  be  sought.  The  patient 
enjoys  the  gift,  divides  a  portion  of  it  among  the 
soothsayers,  and  often  on  the  next  day  departs  from 
life.  Commonly,  however,  the  sick  recover,  plainly 
becaiise  their  illnesses  are  slight;  for,  in  the  case  of 
more  severe  complaints,  these  soothsayers  are  more 
cautious,  and  deny  the  possibility  of  ascertaining 
what  the  patient  desires ;  then  they  bewail  him  whom 
they  have  given  up,  and  cause  the  relatives  to  put 
him  out  of  the  way.  Thus  they  kill  those  afflicted 
with  protracted  illness,  or  exhausted  by  old  age,  and 
consider  this   the  greatest  kindness,  because  death 


■h 


'f 


r^ 


I 


^ 


?' 


260 


I 

I  I  •; 

J 


} 


ill 

n 


-»"   }  .' 

|L 

' 

LES  RELATIONS  DES  /^SUITES 


[Vol.  1 


fudando.  Certum  cafas  locum  corticibus  includunt, 
ac  tegiint  pellibus,  ne  qua  poffit  aer  afpirare.  Intro 
congerunt  lapides  deullOvS  &  igne  multo  faturos.  Sub- 
eunt  nudi  &  brachia  oantitantes  jacflant.  Sed,  quod 
mireris,  ab  his  thermis  egreffi  &  fudore  diffiuentes, 
hyeme  perfrigida,  in  lacum  aut  amnem  fe  conjiciunt, 
de  pleuritide  fecuri. 

Mortuorum  cadavera  nunquam  efferunt  per  cafae 
januam,  fed  per  earn  partem,  in  quam  converfus  eger 
exipiravit.  Animam  putant  evolare  per  camini  fpira- 
culum;  ac  ne  moras  trahat,  cafae  priftinse  defiderio, 
neu  puerulorum  aliquem  difcedens  afflet,  hoc  afflatu 
videlicet  moriturum,  ut  putant;  crebro  fufte  tundunt 
parietes  tugurii,  ut  eam  citius  exire  compellant.  Im- 
mortalem  effe  arbitrantur.  Ne  porro  emoriatur  fame, 
magnam  vim  ciborum  infodiunt  cum  corpore ;  veftes, 
item,  ollas,  variamque  fupelledlilem,  magno  fumptu, 
&  multorum  annorum  labore  conquifitam,  ut  iis  uta- 
tur,  inquiunt,  ac  decentius  verfetur  in  regno  mortuo- 
rum. Sepulcra  nobilium  exftant  paulum  ab  humo: 
iis  perticas  in  morem  pyramidis  compac5las  imponunt : 
arcum  addunt,  fagittas,  clypeum,  &  alia  militiae  de- 
cora: feminarum  vero  tumulis,  torques  &  monilia. 
Infantium  corpora  fepeliunt  propter  viam,  ut  eorum 
anima,  quam  ab  ipforum  corporibus  abire  longius 
non  putant,  illabatur  in  praetereuntis  alicujus  feminae 
linum,  &  adliuc  informem  animare  fetum  poffit.  In 
ludtu  vultum  inficiunt  fuligine.  Moniti  de  funere 
affines,  vicini,  &  amici  concurrunt  in   funeftum  tu- 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


261 


puts  an  end  to  the  sufferings  of  the  sick.  They  dis- 
play the  same  benevolence  towards  children  deprived 
of  their  parents,  whom  they  prefer  to  see  dead  rather 
than  to  see  them  miserable.  They  believe  that  an- 
other source  of  disease  is  the  hidden  arts  and  the 
charms  of  sorcerers,  which  they  seek  to  avert  by 
means  of  absurd  ceremonies.  Often  they  expel  nox- 
ious humors  by  sweating.  They  inclose  a  certain 
portion  of  the  hut  with  pieces  of  bark  and  cover  it 
with  hides,  in  order  that  no  air  may  enter.  Within 
they  pile  stones  heated  to  a  high  temperature.  They 
enter  naked  and  toss  their  arms  while  singing.  But, 
strange  to  say,  they  will  leave  this  heat,  dripping 
with  perspiration,  and  in  the  very  coldest  part  of 
wintjr  cast  themselves  into  a  lake  or  river,  careless 
of  pleurisy. 

They  never  bear  out  the  corpses  of  the  dead 
through  the  door  of  the  lodge,  but  through  that 
part  toward  which  the  sick  person  turned  when  he 
expired.  They  think  that  the  soul  flies  out  through 
the  smoke-hole ;  and,  in  order  that  it  may  not  linger 
through  longing  for  its  old  home,  nor  while  depart- 
ing breathe  upon  any  of  the  children,  who  by  such 
an  act  would  be,  as  they  think,  doomed  to  death, 
they  beat  the  walls  of  the  wigwam  with  frequent 
blows  of  a  club,  in  order  that  they  may  compel  the 
soul  to  depart  more  quickly.  They  believe  it  to  be 
immortal.  That  it  may  not  thereafter  perish  with, 
hunger,  they  bury  with  the  body  a  large  quantity  of 
provisions ;  also,  garments,  pots,  and  various  utensils 
of  great  expense,  and  acquired  by  many  years'  labor, 
in  order,  they  say,  that  he  may  use  them  and  pass 
his  time  more  suitably  in  the  kingdom  of  the  dead. 
The  tombs  of  the  chiefs  are  raised  a  little  from  the 
ground;  upon  them  they  place  poles  joined  in  the 


\ 


1" 


262 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol..  1 


) 


iifi^ 


\ 


III  K 


gririitm.  Unus  aliquis,  fi  mortui  conditio  ferat,  ver- 
ba facit,  neque  rationem  ullam  ex  iis  praetermittit, 
qu8£  ad  leniendam  aegritudinem  k  dicendi  magiflris 
afferri  folent.  Excurrit  in  demortui  laudes:  homi- 
nem  eum  natum  fuiiTe  admonet,  atqiie  adeo  morti 
obnoxium :  qui  cafus  emendai  i  neqiieant,  fieri  patien- 
tia  leviores ;  alia  id  genus  in  eandem  fententiam  edif- 
ferit.  Tertio  die  funus  ducitur.  Epulum  funebre 
apponitiir  toti  pago,  fingulis  fuam  fymbolam,  nee 
maligne,  conferentibus.  Hujus  epuli  caufas  afferunt 
maxime  tres:  primam,  ut  communem  mserorem  leni- 
ant:  alteram,  ut  qui  amici  peregre  ad  funus  veniunt, 
accipiantur  honeflius:  tertiam,  ut  gratificentur  ex- 
tincti  Manibus,  quern  ea  liberalitate  deledtari  exifti- 
mant,  &  appofitis  etiam  dapibus  pafci.  Peradto 
convivio  prsefedtus  funeris,  quern  in  fingulis  familiis 
clarioribus,  certum  atque  infignem  habent,  adeffe 
tempus  exequiarum  proclamat.  Omnes  continue 
lamentari,  &  ululare.  Effertur  cadaver  propinquo- 
rum  humeris,  intedlum  fibrinis  pellibus,  &  in  feretro, 
e  corticibus  juncifve  conledlo  compofitum,  collec5tis  in 
glomum  artubus,  ut  eo  modo  terrse  rnandetur,  inqui- 
unt,  quo  in  alvo  materna  clim  jacuit.  Deponitur 
feretrum  in  conllituto  loco,  munera  quae  quifque 
offert  mortuo,  praefiguntur  perticis:  &  appellantur 
illorum  audtores  a  funeris  praefedlo :  inftauratur 
plandtus;  denique  juvenes  ludicro  certamine  inter  fe 
dimicant. 

Majori   fepeliuntur   apparatu    &   ludtu,   qui  aquis 


f 


[Vol..  1 

t,  ver- 
mittit, 
giflris 
homi- 
morti 
patien- 
n  edif- 
unebre 
n,   nee 
fferunt 
m  leni- 
eniunt, 
tur  ex- 
exifti- 
Peradto 
familiis 
,   adeffe 
ontinuo 
3inquo- 
"eretro, 
edtis  in 
inqui- 
ponitur 
quifque 
ellantur 
tauratur 
inter  fe 

li   aquis 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 


263 


form  of  a  pyramid ;  they  add  a  bow,  arrows,  shield 
and  other  insignia  of  war;  but  upon  the  tombs  of  the 
women  they  place  necklaces  and  collar:  .  They  bury 
the  bodies  of  infants  beside  paths,  in  order  that 
their  souls,  which  they  think  do  not  depart  very  far 
from  the  body,  may  slip  into  the  bosoms  of  women 
passing  by,  and  animate  the  yet  undeveloped  fetus. 
In  mourning,  they  stain  the  face  with  soot.  When 
informed  of  a  death,  the  relatives,  neighbors,  and 
friends  assemble  at  the  lodge  where  the  corpse  lies. 
If  the  condition  of  the  dead  permit,  one  of  them 
makes  a  speech,  in  which  he  employs  all  those  argu- 
ments that  the  most  eloquent  speakers  are  wont  to 
use  for  the  solace  of  grief.  He  rehearses  the  praises 
of  the  dead ;  he  reminds  them  that  the  latter  was  born 
a  man,  and  therefore  liable  to  death ;  that  those  mis- 
fortunes which  cannot  be  repaired  are  made  lighter 
by  patience ;  he  sets  forth  other  things  of  that  sort  to 
the  same  effect.  On  the  third  day  the  funeral  is 
held.  A  funeral  feast  is  provided  for  the  whole  vil- 
lage, each  individual  liberally  furnishing  his  share. 
For  this  feast  they  advance  three  main  reasons :  first, 
that  they  may  assuage  the  general  grief;  secondly, 
that  those  friends  who  come  from  a  distance  to  the 
funeral  may  be  more  fittingly  entertained ;  thirdly, 
that  they  may  please  the  spirit  of  the  dead,  which, 
they  believe,  is  delighted  by  this  exhibition  of  liber- 
ality, and  also  partakes  of  the  repast  placed  for  him. 
When  the  feast  is  completed  the  master  of  the 
funeral,  who,  in  each  distinguished  family,  perma- 
nently holds  this  office  and  is  greatly  honored,  pro- 
claims that  the  time  for  the  burial  has  come.  All 
give  utterance  to  continuous  lamentations  and  wail- 
ings.  The  corpse,  wrapped  in  beaver  skins,  and 
placed  upon  a  bier  made  of  bark  and  rushes,  with  his 


«'f: 


1-* 


u 


I 

'I 


I!    i 


264 


LES  RELATIONS  DESJ&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


'  I 


k/ 


) 


obruti  perierunt.  Nam  eorum  cadavera  laniantur: 
carnium  pars  cum  vifceribus  in  ignem  projicitur.  Id 
facrificii  quoddam  genus  eft,  quo  placare  coelum  con- 
tendunt.  Iratum  enim  effe  genti  non  dubitant,  cum 
in  undis  quifpiam  extinguitur:  ac  fi  quid  rite  atque 
ordine  peradtum  in  iftis  funeribus  non  fuerit,  huic 
piaculo  calamitates  omnes,  quibus  poftea  conflic5tan- 
tur,  acceptas  ferunt.  Indulgent  luc5tui  per  annum 
integrum.  Primis  diebus  decem  jacent  humi,  diu 
nodtuque  in  ventrem  proni :  nefas  tunc  vocem  ullam, 
nifi  quae  dolorem  fignificet,  mittere ;  aut  accedere  ad 
ignem,  aut  conviviis  interelTe.  Anno  reliquo  ludtus 
continuatur,  at  levius.  Omittuntur  omnia  urbanitatis 
officia,  coUoquia  cum  vicinis,  congrefTus  amicorum; 
ac  fi  conjugem  amiferint;  ccelibes,  donee  annus 
fluxerit,  perftant.  Poft  odtavum  aut  decirnum  quem- 
que  annum  Hurones,  quae  natio  late  patet,  omnia 
cadavera  certum  in  locum  ex  omnibus  pagis  depor- 
tant.  &  in  foveam  praegrandem  conjiciunt.  Eum 
diem  Mortuorum  vocant.  Is  ubi  de  procerum  fenten- 
tia  conflitutus  eft,  eruunt  corpora  fepulcris;  alia  jam 
confumpta,  &  oflibus  vix  haerentia;  alia  putri  carne 
leviter  amidla :  alia  fcatentia  f cedis  vermibus,  &  gra- 
viter  olentia.  OiTa  diffoluta  in  faccos  abdunt :  cada- 
vera nondum  difluta  componu.it  in  farcopliagis,  & 
fupplicantium  ritu  deferunt  in  deflinatum  locum, 
alto  filentio,  &  compofito  gradu  procedentes,  non 
fine  fufpiriis,  &  lamentabili  eiulatu.  Ne  vero  me- 
moria  nobilium,  &  arte  praefertim  bellica  infignium. 


>       \  i 


^% 


Vol.  1 

ntur : 
•.  Id 
1  con- 

,  cum 
atque 
,  huic 
lidtan- 
innum 
li,  diu 
uUam, 
lere  ad 
ludtus 
mitatis 
corum ; 
annus 
quem- 
omnia 
depor- 
Eum 
enten- 
ia  jam 
came 
&  gra- 
:  cada- 
agis,  & 
locum, 
es,  non 
3ro  me- 
gnium, 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


266 


limbs  bent  and  pressed  tightly  against  his  body  in 
order  that,  as  they  say,  he  may  be  committed  to  the 
earth  in  the  same  position  in  which  he  once  lay  in 
his  mother's  womb,  is  borne  out  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  relatives.  The  bier  is  set  down  at  the  appointed 
place,  the  gifts  which  each  one  offers  to  the  dead  are 
fastened  to  poles,  and  the  donors  are  named  by  the 
master  of  the  funeral.  The  mourning  is  renewed; 
finally,  boys  vie  with  each  other  in  a  mock  contest. 

Those  who  have  been  drowned  are  buried  with 
greater  ceremony  and  lamentation.  For  their  bodies 
ire  cut  open,  and  a  portion  of  the  flesh,  together  with 
the  viscera,  thrown  into  the  fire.  This  is  a  sort  of 
sacrifice,  by  means  of  which  they  seek  to  appease 
heaven.  For  they  are  sure  that  heaven  is  enraged 
against  the  race  whenever  any  one  loses  his  life  by 
drowning.  If  any  part  of  these  funeral  rites  has  not 
been  duly  and  regularly  performed,  they  believe  that 
all  the  calamities  from  which  they  afterwards  may 
suffer  are  a  punishment  for  this  neglect.  They  in- 
dulge their  grief  throughout  an  entire  year.  For 
the  fir.st  ten  days  they  lie  upon  the  ground  day  and 
night,  flat  upon  their  bellies ;  it  is  impious  then  to 
utter  any  sound  unless  significant  of  grief,  or  to  ap- 
proach the  fire,  or  to  take  part  in  feasts.  During 
the  remainder  of  the  year  the  mourning  continues, 
but  less  vigorously.  All  the  duties  of  politeness, 
conversation  with  neighbors,  and  association  with 
friends,  are  neglected ;  and,  if  a  man  has  lost  a  wife 
he  remains  unmarried  until  the  year  has  expired. 
Every  eight  or  ten  years  the  Hurons,  which  nation  is 
widely  extended,  convey  all  their  corpses  from  all 
the  villages  to  a  designated  place  and  cast  them  into 
an  immense  pit.  They  call  it  the  day  of  the  Dead. 
When   this   has   been   decreed  by  resolution  of  the 


'H' 


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,nm 


'1.1 


I     !i 


.  ^ 


266 


L£S  RELA  TIONS  DBS  jtSUITES  [Vol.  I 


qui  prole  carent,  intercidat,  eligunt  aliquem  aetate 
ac  robore  florentem,  cui  demortui  nomen  imponiint. 
lUe  militum  ftatim  deled;iim  habet,  ac  bellum  ca- 
pefsit,  lit  praeclaro  quopiam  edito  facinore,  probet 
fe  non  tantum  nominis,  fed  etiam  virtutis  ejus,  cui 
fubflituitur,  heredem  effe.  Inferioris  notae  nomina 
aeterno  filentio  damnant.  Itaque  fimul  ac  in  pago 
quifpiam  ^  vil  ceflit,  ejus  nomen  alta  voce  pronunci- 
atur  per  omnes  cafas,  ne  quis  illud  temere  ufurpet. 
Quod  fi  mortuum  tamen  appellare  necelTe  fuerit,  utiin- 
tur  verborum  circuitione,  &  praefantur  quidpiam,  quo 
mortis  ominofa  [346]  memoria  leniatur.  Idque  fi 
omittatur,  accipiunt  in  gravem  contumeliam :  neque 
atrociori  maledidto  vulnerari  filiiim  aut  parentem 
poffe  putant,  quam  fi  hiiic  filiiis,  illi  parens,  mortuus 
exprobretur. 


; 


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1610-18J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TtONS 


267 


elders,  they  drag  out  the  corpses  from  their  graves, 
some  already  decomposed,  with  flesh  scarcely  cling- 
ing to  the  bones,  others  thinly  covered  with  putrid 
flesh,  others  teeming  with  vile  worms  and  smelling 
fearfully.  The  loose  bones  they  place  in  sacks,  the 
bodies  not  yet  disintegrated  they  place  in  coffins,  and 
bear  them,  in  the  manner  of  suppliants,  to  the  ap- 
pointed place,  proceeding  amid  deep  silence  and  with 
regular  step,  uttering  sighs  and  mournful  cries.  But, 
in  order  that  the  memory  of  chiefs  and  of  those 
especially  famous  in  the  art  of  war,  who  lack  off- 
spring, may  not  fail,  they  choose  some  person  in  the 
flower  of  his  age  and  strength,  to  whom  they  give  the 
name  of  the  dead  man.  The  namesake  immediately 
makes  a  levy  of  warriors  and  starts  for  battle,  in 
order  that  by  the  achievement  of  some  glorious  deed 
he  may  prove  himself  the  heir  not  only  of  the  name 
but  also  of  the  valor  of  him  whose  place  he  has 
taken.  Names  of  lesser  note  are  condemned  to  ever- 
lasting silence.  Therefore,  as  soon  as  any  one  in  the 
village  has  departed  this  life  his  name  is  proclaimed 
in  a  loud  voice  throughout  all  the  lodges,  in  order 
that  no  one  may  rashly  use  it.  But  if,  nevertheless, 
it  be  necessary  to  name  the  dead  man,  they  use  a 
circumlocution  and  preface  something  by  which  the 
impleasant  [346]  recollection  of  his  death  may  be 
softened.  If  that  be  omitted  they  consider  it  a 
deadly  insult ;  nor  do  they  think  that  son  or  parent 
can  be  wounded  by  more  savage  abuse  than  when 
their  dead  relatives  are  defamed  before  them. 


f   I 


A-  > 


I 


''  m 


268 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jAsUITrZS  [Vol.  1 


.    -I 


i'-l 


/     Mi 
'      'i 


'f 

is 

'J 


BELLI   GERENDI    RATIO;     ARMA  ;    CRUDELITAS  IN 

CAPTIVOS. 

BELLA  temere  ac  ferociter  fufcipiunt,  nulla  faepe, 
aut  perlevi  de  caufa.     Duces  communi  fuffra- 
gio  legunt,  eofque  vel  familiarum  praecipuarum 
natu  maximos,  vel  quorum  virtus  bellica,  aut  etiam 
eloquentia  perfpedta  fit.     Civili  bello  nunquam  inter 

fe    corcurrunt;  arma   in    finitimos   tantum   movent; 

'.I 
nuque  imperii  ac  ditionis  proferendae  caufa,  fed  fere  ut 

illatam  fibi,  vel  foederatis,  injuriam  ulcifcantur.    Gla-  , 

dios,  &  gravidas  nitrato  pulvere  fiftulas,  ^  Batavis  &  r. 

Anglis  acctpere,  quibus  armis  freti,  certius  &  auda- 

cius  in  hortium,  atque  ade5  Europaeorum  perniciem 

confpirant.     Interdum  bella  fingulari  certamine  fini- 

vint.     Agmina  duo,  hinc  Montanorum,  quos  vocant, 

inde    Iroquaeorum   conftiterant   ante   aliquot  annos, 

velut    in   procindtu.     Duces   antegreffi  jam  defigna- 

bant  locum  ad  aciem  explicandam,  cum  unus  alte- 

ruin  fie  allocutus  fertur:    Parcamus  noflrorum  fan- 

guini,  imo  noftro:  manibus  nudis  rem  agamus.     Uter 

alterum  dejecerit,  is  vincat.     Placuit  conditio.     Ma- 

nus  c>mbo  conferunt.    Montanus  Iroquaeum  ita  delaffa- 

vit,  dolum  artemque  virtuti  mifcens,  ut  humi  denique 

proftratum  ligaverit,  impofitumque  humeris  ad  fuum 

agmen  vidtor  detulerit.     Clypeos  conficiunt  e  ligno 

dolato,  plerumque  cedrino ;  paulum  ad  oras  incurvos : 


% 


mm 


f.y 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


269 


METHODS  OF  WARI'ARP:;    WEAPONS;    CRUELTY  TO 

PRISONERS. 


THEY  engage  in  war  rashly  and  savagely,  often 
with  no  cause,  or  upon  a  very  slight  pretext. 
They  choose  as  leaders,  by  general  vote,  either 
the  eldest  members  of  illustrious  families  or  those 
whose  warlike  valor,  or  even  eloquence,  has  been  ap- 
proved. In  civil  war  they  never  engage;  they  carry 
arms  only  against  their  neighbors,  and  not  for  the 
sake  of  extending  their  dominion  and  sway,  but  usu- 
ally, in  order  that  they  may  avenge  an  injury  inflicted 
upon  themselves  or  their  allies.  They  have  obtained 
swords  and  guns  from  the  Dutch  and  English,  and, 
relying  upon  these  weapons,  they  plan  with  greater 
determination  and  boldness  the  destruction  of  their 
enemies,  and  even  of  the  Europeans.  Sometimes 
they  decide  their  wars  by  single  combat.  Two 
bands,  one  of  the  so-called  Montagnais,™  the  other 
of  Iroquois,  had  met  a  few  years  ago  in  readiness 
for  battle,  ^he  leaders  had  advanced  and  were  al- 
ready designating  the  positions  for  the  formation  of 
the  lines  of  attack,  when  it  is  said  that  one  thus  ad- 
dressed the  other :  * '  Lei  us  spare  the  blood  of  our 
followers;  nay,  rather  let  us  spare  our  own.  Let  us 
settle  the  matter  with  our  bare  hands,  and  he  who 
overcomes  the  other  shall  be  the  victor."  The  pro- 
position was  accepted,  and  the  two  joined  battle. 
The  Montagnaif;  by  means  of  a  combination  of  strat- 
egy and  skill  with  courage,  so  wearied  the  Iroquois 
that  he  finally  hurleu  the  latter  to  the  ground,  bound 
him,    and   triumphantly   carried   him   off   upon   his 


.'» 


m 


'1 

1 

I 

1. , 

''■  III 

m 


) 


,i- ' 


i '. 


1 1  \ 


I  '■ 


270 


LES  RELATIONS  DBS  JASUITES  [Vol.  li 


leves,  praelongos  &  peramplos,  ita  ut  totum  corpus 
protegant.  Jam,  ne  jaculis  aut  fecuribus  perrum- 
pantur  omnino  ac  difliliant,  eos  intus  confuunt  refti- 
bus  ex  animalium  corio  contextis,  quae  totam  clypei 
molem  continent  conneAuntque.  Non  geftant  e  bra- 
chio  fufpenfos,  fed  funem  ex  quo  pendent,  rejiciunt  in 
humerum  dextrum :  adeo  ut  latus  corporis  finiftrum 
clypeo  protegatur;  mox  ubi  jaculum  emiferunt,  aut 
ferream  difploferunt  fiftulam,  paulum  retrahunt  dex- 
trum latus,  ac  finiftrum  clypeo  tectum  obvertunt  hofli. 
In  prselio  id  maxime  ftudent,  vivos  ut  hoftes  capi- 
ant.  Captis  &  in  fuos  abdudlis  pagos  primum  vefles 
detrahunt ;  deinde  ungues  crudis  dentibus  fmgillatim 
avellunt :  turn  palo  alligatos  verberant  ad  fatietatem. 
Mox  vinculis  folutos  cogunt  ire,  ac  redire,  geminum 
inter  ordinem  armatorum  fpinis,  fuflibus,  &  ferra- 
mentis.  Denique,  accenfo  circum  foco,  lentis  igni- 
bus  miferos  torrent.  Interim  torofas  carnes  fodicant 
candentibus  laminis,  &  verubus,  aut  recifas  ac  femi- 
uftulatas,  fanie  fluentes  &  fanguine,  vorant.  Nunc 
taidis  ardentibus  totum  corpus,  ac  praefertim  hiatus 
vulnerum,  pertentant :  nunc  detrac5ta  capitis  cute  in- 
fpergunt  nudae  calvae  favillam,  &  fervidos  cineres: 
nunc  brachiorum  nervos  ac  pedum  vellunt,  lancinant,  . 
aut  hebeti  fecant  lente  ferro,  derepta  parumper  cute, 
in  pedis  malleolo,  &  manus  carpo.  Saepe  cogunt  cap- 
tivum  infelicem  ingredi  per  fubjeClos  ignes:  aut 
frufta  fuae  carnis  mandere,  ac  vivo  fepulcro  condere. 
Hujufmodi  carnificinam   non   pauci   e    Patribus    So- 


I 

1: 


■:'l 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


271 


shoulders  to  his  own  band.  They  make  their  shields 
of  hewn  wood,  principally  cedar,  with  slightly-curv- 
ing edges,  light,  very  long  and  very  large,  so  that 
they  cover  the  entire  body.  Next,  in  order  that 
they  may  not  be  penetrated  and  split  by  spears  or 
tomahawks,  they  overlace  them  on  the  inner  side 
with  thongs  made  from  the  skins  of  animals,  which 
hold  together  and  connect  the  whole  mass  of  the 
shield.  They  do  not  carry  the  shield  suspended  from 
the  arm,  but  cast  by  a  cord  over  the  right  shoulder, 
so  that  it  protects  the  left  side  of  the  body;  when 
they  have  cast  their  spears  or  fired  their  guns  they 
slightly  retire  the  right  side  and  turn  toward  the  en- 
emy the  left  side,  which  is  protected  by  the  shield. 
In  battle  they  strive  especially  to  capture  their 
enemies  alive.  Those  who  have  been  captured  and 
led  off  to  their  villages  are  first  stripped  of  their 
clothing ;  then  they  savagely  tear  off  their  nails  one 
by  one  with  their  teeth ;  then  they  bind  them  to 
stakes  and  beat  them  as  long  as  they  please.  Next 
they  release  them  from  their  bonds,  and  compel  them 
to  pass  back  and  forth  between  a  double  row  of  men 
armed  with  thorns,  clubs  and  instruments  of  iron. 
Finally,  they  kindle  a  fire  about  them,  and  roast  the 
miserable  creatures  with  slow  heat.  Sometimes 
they  pierce  the  flesh  of  the  muscles  with  red-hot 
plates  and  with  spits,  or  cut  it  off  and  devour  it,  half- 
burned  and  dripping  with  gore  and  blood.  Next, 
they  plant  blazing  torches  all  over  the  body,  and 
especially  in  the  gaping  wounds;  then,  after  scalp- 
ing him  they  scatter  ashes  and  live  coals  upon  his 
naked  head ;  then  they  tear  the  tendons  of  the  arms 
and  legs,  lacerate  them,  or,  after  removing  a  little  of 
the  skin,  leisurely  cut  them  with  a  knife  at  the  ankle 
and  wrist.     Often  they  compel  the  unhappy  prisoner 


hh. 


tit! 


;!) 


"  !l 


^i 


)     I 


272 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Voi-  1 


cietatis  peftnlere.  Hanc  porro  extrahunt  in  multos 
dies;  utque  novis  cruciatibus  triflis  vidtima  fnppetat, 
intermittunt  eofdem  aliquandiii,  donee  ad  excremum 
fatifcant  corpora,  &  concidant.  Tunc  e  pedlore  cor 
avellimt,  torrent  fubjedtis  prunis ;  &  cruore  conditum 
juvenibus  avide  comedendum  objiciunt,  fi  captivus 
fuppliciorum  acerbitatem  generose  fuerit  perpeffus: 
ut  viri  fortis,  inquiimt,  mafculum  robur  juventus  bel- 
latrix  combibat.  Laudatur  qui  rogum,  cultros,  vul- 
nera,  irretorto  vultu  afpexerit,  &  exceperit:  qui  non 
ingemuerit,  qui  rifu  cantuque  tortoribus  illuferit: 
nam  canere  tot  inter  mortes,  amplum  ac  magnificum 
elTe  putant.  Itaque  cantilenas  ipfi  multo  ante  com- 
ponunt,  quas  capti,  fi  fors  ferat,  recitent.  Reliqua 
multitudo  cadaver  abfumit  in  ferali  convivio.  Dux 
refervat  fibi  verticis  pellem  cum  coma,  monumentum 
vi(5torise,  trophaeum  crudelitatis. 


1 

1 

}  j  1  ■ 

4 

1 

* 

1 

1           1 

\\  i' 


m 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


273 


to  walk  through  fire,  or  to  eat,  and  thus  entomb  in  a 
living  sepulchre,  pieces  of  his  own  flesh.  Torture 
of  this  sort  has  been  borne  by  not  a  few  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Society.  Moreover,  they  prolong 
this  torment  throughout  many  days,  and,  in  order 
that  the  poor  victim  may  undergo  fresh  trials,  inter- 
mit it  for  some  time,  until  his  vitality  is  entirely  ex- 
hausted and  he  perishes.  Then  they  tear  the  heart 
from  the  breast,  roast  it  upon  the  coals,  and,  if  the 
prisoner  has  bravely  borne  the  bitterness  of  the 
torture,  give  it,  seasoned  with  blood,  to  the  boys,  to 
be  greedily  eaten,  in  order,  as  they  say,  that  the 
warlike  youth  may  imbibe  the  heroic  strength  of 
the  valiant  man.  The  prisoner  who  has  beheld  and 
endured  stake,  knives  and  wounds  with  an  unchang- 
ing countenance,  who  has  not  groaned,  who  with 
laughter  and  song  has  ridiculed  his  tormentors,  is 
praised;  for  they  think  that  to  sing  amid  so  many 
deaths  is  great  and  noble.  So  they  themselves  com- 
pose songs  long  beforehand,  in  order  that  they  may 
repeat  them  if  they  should  by  chance  be  captured. 
The  rest  of  the  crowd  consume  the  corpse  in  a  brutal 
feast.  The  chief  reserves  for  himself  the  scalp  as  a 
sign  of  victory,  a  trophy  of  cruelty. 


V  ■; 


'Ij 


274 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


li    J 


) 


■I? 


I.  I 


■;i!i 


I 


INDOLES    ANIMI:    CORPORIS   CULTUS:    CIBI,    CONVIVIA; 

SUPELLEX:    RELIGIO,    &    SUPER- 

STITIONES. 

SIC  hofles  accipiunt:  at  domi  colunt  ^acem,  rixaf- 
que  diligenter  cavent,  nifi  qiias  ebrietatis  impo- 
tentia  excitavit.  Fortunati,  fi  nunquam  illis 
hanc  peftem  Europa  importalTet !  Irafci  ne  norunt 
quidem,  ac  vehementer  initio  mirabantur,  cum  inve- 
herentur  Patres  in  vitia  pro  concione,  eofque  furere 
exiftimabant,  qui  pacatos  inter  auditores,  &  amicos, 
tanta  contentione  fe  jadtarent.  Liberalitatis  &  muni- 
ficentiae  famam  aucupantur:  fua  largiuntur  ultro; 
ablata  vix  repetunt:  nee  fures  aliter,  quam  rifu  & 
fannis  ulcifcuntur.  Si  quern,  oborta  fimultate  nefarie 
aliquid  moliri  fufpicantur,  non  minis  deterrent  homi- 
nem,  fed  donis.  Ex  eodem  concordiae  ftudio  fit  ut 
alTentiantur  ultro,  quidquid  doceas;  nihilo  tamen 
fecius  tenent  mordicus  infitam  opinionem  aut  fuper- 
ftitionem:  eoque  difficilius  erudiuntur.  Quid  enim 
agas  cum  annuentibus  verbo  &  concedentibus  omnia ; 
re  nihil  praeftantibus  ?  Miferorum  egeftatem  benigne 
f ublevant ;  viduarum  ac  fenum  fuftentant  orbitatem, 
nifi  cum  fenio  aetas  vieta  marcet,  vel  morbus  gravior 
incidit :  tunc  enim  abrumpere  inf elicem  vitam  fatius 
arbitrantur,  quam  alere  ac  producere.  Quaecumque 
calamitas  ingruat,  nunquam  fe  dimoveri  de  animi 
tranquillitate  patiuntur,   qua  felicitatem  potiflimum 


■■P 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


275 


MENTAL    CHARACTERISTICS;     CARE    OK    THE     BODY; 

FOOD  ;    FEASTS  ;    HOUSEHOLD    UTENSILS  ; 

RELIGION   AND   SUPERSTITIONS. 

THUS  they  treat  their  enemies;  but  at  home  they 
cultivate  peace  and  carefully  avoid  quarrels, 
except  those  which  the  fury  of  drunkenness 
has  aroused.  Fortunate  would  they  be  if  Europe  had 
never  introduced  this  scourge  among  them!  They 
know  nothing  of  anger,  and  at  first  were  greatly  sur- 
prised when  the  Fathers  censured  their  faults  before 
the  assembly;  they  thought  that  the  Fathers  were 
madmen,  because  among  peaceful  hearers  and  friends 
they  displayed  such  vehemence.  These  people  seek 
a  reputation  for  liberality  and  generosity ;  they  give 
away  their  property  freely  and  very  seldom  ask  any 
return ;  nor  do  they  punish  thieves  otherwise  than 
with  ridicule  and  derision.  If  they  suspect  that  any 
one  seeks  to  accomplish  an  evil  deed  by  means  of 
false  pretences,  they  do  not  restrain  him  with  threats, 
but  with  gifts.  From  the  same  desire  for  harmony 
comes  their  ready  assent  to  whatever  one  teaches 
them ;  nevertheless  they  hold  tenaciously  to  their 
native  belief  or  superstition,  and  on  that  account  are 
the  more  difficult  to  instruct.  For  what  can  one  do 
with  those  who  in  word  give  agreement  and  assent 
to  everything,  but  in  reality  give  none  ?  They 
kindly  relieve  the  poverty  of  the  unfortunate ;  they 
provide  sustenance  for  widows  and  old  men  in  their 
bereavement,  except  when,  with  old  age,  vitality  is 
withering  away,  or  some  grievous  disease  arises ;  for 
then  they  think  it  better  to  cut  short  an  unhappy  ex- 
istence than  to  support  and  prolong  it.     Whatever 


xi  1 


rr 


I  f ' 


.  '■  H' 


1 

1 

1 

'.(ij 

) 


III 


1.1 


276 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.1 


definiunt.  Inediam  multorum  dierum,  morbos,  & 
aerumnas  lenifllme  &  conflantifTimfe  perferunt.  Ipfos 
partus  dolores,  licet  acerbiflimos,  ita  diffimulant  femi- 
nae  vel  fiiperant,  ut  ne  ingemifcant  quidem :  ac  fi  cui 
lacryma  vel  gemitus  excideret,  aeterna  flagraret  igno- 
minia,  neque  virum,  k  quo  duceretur,  praeterea  in  ve- 
niret,  Nihil  unquam  amicus  cum  amico,  uxor  cum 
viro,  cum  uxore  vir,  queritur  &  expoftulat.  Liberos 
mira  caritate  complec5tuntur :  fed  modum  non  tenent ; 
in  eos  enim  neque  animadvertunt  ipfi,  neque  ab  aliis 
animadverti  finunt.  Hinc  petulantia  puerorum  & 
ferocitas,  quae,  poftqukm  fe  corroboravit  aetate,  in 
omne  fcelus  erumpit.  Quam  autem  erga  liberos  & 
familiares  comitatem  prae  fe  ferunt,  eandem  cum 
ceteris  civibus  fuis,  ac  popularibus,  ufurpant.  Si 
quis  amariore  joco  quempiam  momordit,  (nam  dica- 
ces  vulgo  funt,  &  in  jocos  effufi)  belle  diflimulant, 
aut  vicem  reponunt,  &  abfentes  remordent;  nam  prae- 
fentes  cavillari,  aut  coram  dictis  inceffere,  religio  eft. 
Non  aliud  libentius  convicium  regerunt  laceffiti,  qu^m 
fi  hominem  ingenio  carere  dicant.  Scilicet  ingenii 
laudem  vindicant  fibi ;  nee  temere.  Nemo  inter  illos 
hebes,  ac  tardus;  quod  nativa  illorum  in  deliberando 
prudentia,  &  in  dicendo  facundi?,  declarat.  Auditi 
quidem  faepe  funt  tam  appofite  ad  perfuadendum  pe- 
rorare,  idque  ex  tempore,  ut  admirationem  exercita- 
tiflimis  in  dicendi  palaeftra  moverent. 

Refpondet  ingenio  corpus,  aptum   membris,  pro- 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


277 


misfortune  may  befall  them,  they  never  allow  them- 
selvevS  to  lose  their  calm  composure  of  mind,  in  which 
they  think  that  happiness  especially  consists.  They 
endure  many  days'  fa.sting,  also  diseases  and  trials, 
with  the  greatest  cheerfulness  and  patience.  Even 
the  pangs  of  childbirth,  although  most  bitter,  are  so 
concealed  or  conquered  by  the  women  that  they  do 
not  even  groan ;  and  if  a  tear  or  a  groan  should  es- 
cape any  one  of  them,  she  would  be  stigmatized  by 
everlasting  disgrace,  nor  could  she  find  a  man  there- 
after who  would  marry  her.  Friends  never  indulge 
in  complaint  or  expostulation  to  friends,  wives  to 
their  husbands,  or  husbands  to  their  wives.  They 
treat  their  children  with  wonderful  affection,  but 
they  preserve  no  discipline,  for  they  neither  them- 
selves correct  them  nor  allow  others  to  do  so.  Hence 
the  impudence  and  savageness  of  the  boys,  which, 
after  they  have  reached  a  vigorous  age,  breaks  forth 
in  all  sorts  of  wickedness.  Moreover,  they  exercise 
the  same  mildness  which  they  exhibit  toward  their 
children  and  relatives,  toward  the  remainder  of  their 
tribe  and  their  countrymen.  If  any  person  has  in- 
jured another  by  means  of  a  rude  jest  (for  they  are 
commonly  very  talkative,  and  are  ready  jesters),  the 
latter  carefully  conceals  it,  or  lays  it  up,  and  in  retal- 
iation injures  his  detractor  behind  his  back;  for  to 
jest  in  the  victim's  presence,  or  to  make  a  verbal 
attack,  face  to  face,  is  charactc  istic  of  religion. 
There  is  nothing  which  they  are  more  prone  to  use 
as  a  counter-allegation,  when  provoked,  than  to 
charge  a  man  with  a  lack  of  intelligence.  For  they 
claim  praise  because  of  their  intelligence,  and  not 
without  good  reason.  No  one  among  them  is  stupid 
or  sluggish,  a  fact  which  is  evident  in  their  inborn 
foresight  in  deliberation  and  their  fluency  in  speak- 


■jin 

[■ ' 

f 

1,^ 

iVi 

'i 


If 


.  V 


t  • 


lil 


**    {!f< 


278 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


ceritate  formofum,  robore  validum.  Idem,  qui  Gal- 
lis,  color;  tametfi  corrumpunt  ilium  unguine,  &  oleo 
putri,  quo  fe  perungunt;  necnon  pigmentis  variis, 
quibus  fibi  pulcri,  nobis  ridiculi,  videntur.  Alios 
cernas  nafo  ceeruleo,  genis  vero  &  fuperciliis  atratis: 
alii  frontem,  nafum,  &  genas,  lineis  verficoloribus 
difcriminant:  totidem  larvas  intueri  te  putes.  Ejuf- 
modi  coloribus  credunt  fe  hoftibus  elTe  terribiles; 
fuum  pariterin  acie  metum,  quafi  velo,  tegi:  demum 
pellem  ipfam  corporis  indurari,  ad  vim  hiberni  frigo- 
ris  facilius  tolerandam.  Praeter  iftos  colores  induci 
pro  cujufque  libidine  ac  deleri  folitos,  non  pauci  fta- 
biles  ac  perpetuas  avium  aut  animalium,  putk  ferpen- 
tis,  aquilae,  bufonis,  imagines  imprimunt  cuti,  hunc 
in  modum.  Subulis,  cufpidibus,  aut  fpinis  collum, 
pedtus,  genafve  ita  pungunt,  ut  rudia  rerum  iftarum 
lineamenta  effingant:  mox  in  pundtam  &  cruentam 
cutem  immittunt  atrum  h  carbone  comminuto  pulve- 
rem,  qui  cum  fanguine  concretus  imprelTas  effigies  ita 
inurit  viviE  carni,  ut  eas  nulla  temporis  diuturnitas 
expungat.  Totse  quaedam  nationes,  ea  prsefertim 
quae  a  Tabaco  nomen  habet,  itemque  alia  quae  Neutra 
dicitur,  id  conftanti  more  ac  lege  ufurpat,  nee  fine 
periculo  interdum  ;  maxime  fi  efl  tempeftas  frigidior, 
aut  debilior  [347]  corporis  conftitutio.  Tunc  enim 
dolore  vidli,  licet  eum  ne  gemitu  quidem  fignificent, 
linquuntur  animo,  &  exanimes  aliquando  concidunt. 
Laudant  oculos  exiles,  labra  repanda  &  prominen- 


0P 


1010-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


279 


ing.  Indeed,  they  have  often  been  heard  to  make  a 
peroration  so  well  calculated  for  persuasion,  and  that 
off-hand,  that  they  would  excite  the  admiration  of 
the  most  experienced  in  the  arena  of  eloquence. 

Their  bodies,  well  proportioned,  handsome  because 
of  their  height,  vigorous  in  strength,  correspond  to 
their  minds.  They  have  the  same  complexion  as  the 
French,  although  they  disfigure  it  with  fat  and  rancid 
oil,  with  which  they  grease  themselves;  nor  do  they 
neglect  paints  of  various  colors,  by  means  of  which 
they  appear  beautiful  to  themselves,  but  to  us  ridic- 
ulous. Some  may  be  seen  with  blue  noses,  but  with 
cheeks  and  eyebrows  black ;  others  mark  forehead, 
nose  and  cheeks  with  lines  of  various  colors;  one 
would  think  he  beheld  so  many  hobgoblins.  They 
believe  that  in  colors  of  this  description  they  are 
dreadful  to  their  enemies,  and  that  likewise  their 
own  fear  in  line  of  battle  will  be  concealed  as  by  a 
veil ;  finally,  that  it  hardens  the  skin  of  the  body,  so 
that  the  cold  of  winter  is  more  easily  borne.  Besides 
these  colors,  which  are  usually  applied  or  removed 
according  to  the  pleasure  of  each  person,  many  im- 
press upon  the  skin  fixed  and  permanent  representa- 
tions of  birds  or  animals,  such  as  a  vSnake,  an  eagle,  or 
a  toad,  in  the  following  manner:  With  awls,  spear- 
points,  or  thorns  they  so  puncture  the  neck,  breast  or 
cheeks  as  to  trace  rude  outlines  of  those  objects; 
next,  they  insert  into  the  pierced  and  bleeding  skin 
a  black  powder  made  from  pulverized  charcoal, 
which  unites  with  the  blood  and  so  fixes  upon  the 
living  flesh  the  pictures  which  have  been  drawn  that 
no  length  of  time  can  efface  them.  Some  entire 
tribes  —  that  especially  which  is  called  the  Tobacco 
nation,  and  also  another,  which  is  called  the  Neutral 
nation  —  practice    it    as   a   continuous   custom    and 


1 1 


'I 


''  1 


I ' 


fi 


'1 


M 


'i 


280 


LJ^S  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


tia:  pars  radunt  comam,  pars  alunt:  his  nudum  finci- 
put,  illis  occiput:  aliis  coma  tota  furrigitur  in  vertice, 
aliis  parcfe  ad  tempora  utrimque  propendet.  Bar- 
bam,  inftar  monflri,  execrantur;  ac  fi  quivS  in  mcn- 
to  fuccrcfcat  pilus,  ftatim  vellunt.  Viri  eeque  ac 
femina;  imas  auriculas  pertundunt:  &  iis  inaures  fe 
vitro,  teftifve  pifcium,  inferunt.  Quo  foramen  am- 
plius  eft,  eo  cenfent  formofius.  Nunquam  ungues 
refecant.  EuropjEOrt  rident,  qui  defluentem  h  naribus 
humorem  candidis  fudariis  excipiant,  &,  Quo,  inqui- 
unt,  rem  adeo  fordidam  refervant  ifti?  Saltantes 
curvant  arcuatiir  corpus  prono  capite,  &  brachia  fic 
agitant,  ut  qui  farinaui  manibus  fubigunt,  rauciim 
identidem  grunnientes.  Alvum  infimam  fuccingunt 
lato  cortice,  vel  animantis  pelle,  aut  verficolore  panno, 
cetera  nudi.  Feminae  pelles  ex  humeris  &  collo  pro- 
mittunt  ad  genua.  Zonas  atque  armillas,  h  concha  ve- 
neria,  quam  vulgo  porcellanam  appellamus,  aut  feta 
hyftricis  non  infcite  contextas,  geftant :  torques  hunc 
in  modum  confedtos  magno  habent  in  pretio.  Sto- 
reas  e  marifco  (junci  marini  genus  eft)  fatis  ele- 
ganter  elaborant :  iis  pavimentum  fternunt,  in  iif dem 
carpunt  fomnos,  aut  in  vitulorum  marinorum,  fibro- 
rumve  mollibus  exuviis.  Dormiunt  circa  focum  in 
mapali  medio  femper  ardentem,  fi  frigus  eft:  fub  dio, 
fi  ajftas. 

Menfam,  aut  cathedram,  in  cafa  tota  videas  nullam ; 
in  clunes  fubfidunt,  fimiarum  inftar:  is  vefcentium. 


i 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


S81 


usage;  sometimes  it  is  not  without  danger,  especially 
if  the  season  be  somewhat  cold  or  the  physical  con- 
stitution rather  weak.  (347]  For  then,  overcome  by 
sulTering,  although  they  do  not  betray  it  by  even  a 
groan,  they  swoon  away  and  sometimes  drop  dead. 
They  praise  small  eyes  and  turned-up  and  projecting 
lips.  Some  shave  their  hair,  others  cultivate  it; 
some  have  half  the  head  bare,  others  the  back  of  the 
head;  the  hair  of  some  is  raised  upon  their  heads, 
that  of  others  hangs  down  scantily  upon  each  temple. 
They  detCvSt  a  beard  as  a  monstrosity,  and  straight- 
way pull  out  whatever  hair  grows  upon  their  chins. 
The  men  as  well  as  the  women  pierce  the  lobes  of 
their  ears,  and  place  in  them  earrings  made  of  glass 
or  shells.  The  larger  the  hole,  the  more  beautiful 
they  consider  it.  They  never  cut  their  nails.  They 
ridicule  the  Europeans,  because  the  latter  wipe  off 
the  mucus  flowing  from  the  nose  with  white  handker- 
chiefs, and  say:  *'  For  what  purpose  do  they  pre- 
serve such  a  vile  thing?"  In  dancing,  they  bend 
the  body,  with  the  head  lowered,  in  the  form  of  a 
bow,  and  move  their  arms  like  those  who  knead 
dough,  at  the  same  time  emitting  hoarse  grunts. 
They  gird  the  lower  portion  of  the  belly  with  a  broad 
piece  of  bark  or  hide  or  a  parti-colored  cloth,  and 
leave  the  rest  of  the  body  naked.  The  women  wear 
skins  hanging  from  the  shoulders  and  neck  to  the 
knees.  They  wear  belts  and  bracelets  ingeniously 
manufactured  from  Venus  shells, ~'  which  we  com- 
monly call  porcelain,  or  from  porcupine  quills;  and 
necklaces  made  in  this  fashion  they  value  highly. 
They  make  very  neat  mats  from  marisco  (a  variety  of 
marine  rush) ;  with  these  they  cover  their  floors,  and 
also  take  their  rest  upon  them,  or  upon  the  soft  furs 
of   the   seal    or  the   beaver.     In   winter  they  sleep 


11 


H^ 


282 


LES  RELA  TIONS  DES  /^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


:,  il 


I     J 


is  deliberantium,  &  confabulantium  habitus  e{t. 
Adeuntes  amicos  iV.lutant  inepto  rifu;  I'aepius  ho, 
hho,  hhho,  conclamantes.  Cum  vefcUntur,  potum 
dapibus  non  interixiifcent,  neque  identidem  bibunt; 
fed  femel  tanttim,  fumpto  cibo.  Qui  amicos  convivio 
accipit,  cum  iis  neque  accumbit,  nee  ciborum  partem 
ullam  attingit,  fed  epulantibus  dividit:  aut,  fi  quern 
adhibet  ftrudtorem,  fedet  feorfum  jejunus,  &  fpedtat. 
Inter  edendum  filent:  falem  averfantur.  &  condi- 
menta:  olTa  canibus  projicere  piaculum  arbitrantur: 
igni  cremant,  vel  terrse  infodiunt.  Si  enim,  inquiunt, 
urfi,  fibri,  &  aliae,  quas  venando  captamus,  ferae,  olTa 
fua  permitti  canibus,  &  comminui,  refcirent;  non  tarn 
facile  capi  fe  paterentur.  Adipem  fe  pinguibus  col- 
lec5tum  cibis,  abftergunt  coma;  genis  interdum  bra- 
chiifve  allinunt,  elegantise,  ut  aiunt,  caufa,  &  valetu- 
dinis:  nam  adipe  non  folum  nitere  cutem,  fed  corro- 
borari  membra  exiftimant.  Non  alio  cibo  vefcuntur 
libentius  qu^m  Sagamita.  Pulmentum  eft  e  farina, 
praefertim  Indici  tritici,  confed;um:  admiflo,  quod 
illis  condimentum  praecipue  fapit,  oleo.  Itaque  in 
conviviis  pars  dapum  prima  oleum,  aut  adeps,  in 
quem  concretum  &  fpiffum  ita  dentes  infigunt,  ut  nos 
in  panem  aut  pomum.  Antequam  illis  lebetes,  cor- 
tinae,  aliaque  id  genus  vafa  aerea  deferrentur  e  Gallia, 
utebantur  cacabis  e  cortice  compadtis;  verum  quia 
imponi  flammis  non  poterant  impune,  hanc  ad  coquen- 
das  carnes  artem  excogitaverant.     Silices  plurimos 


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THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


283 


about  a  fire  constantly  burning  in  the  middle  of  the 
lodge,  in  summer  under  the  open  sky. 

Neither  table  nor  chair  can  be  seen  in  the  hut. 
They  squat  upon  their  haunches  like  monkeys;  this 
is  their  custom  while  eating,  deliberating  or  convers- 
ing. They  greet  approaching  friends  with  silly 
laughter,  more  often  exclaimin'^,  ho,  hho,  hhho. 
When  they  eat  they  do  not  take  beverages  with  their 
food,  nor  do  they  drink  often,  but  only  once  after  eat- 
ing. Whoever  entertains  his  friends  at  a  feast 
neither  sits  with  them  nor  touches  any  part  of  the 
food,  but  divides  it  among  the  feasters;  or,  if  he  has 
some  one  act  as  carver,  sits  apart  fasting  and  looks 
on.  While  eating  they  keep  silence ;  they  reject  salt 
and  condiments ;  they  consider  it  a  sin  to  throw  the 
bones  to  the  dogs ;  they  either  burn  them  in  the  fire 
or  bury  them  in  the  ground.  For,  they  say,  if  the 
bears,  beaver,  and  other  wild  animals  which  we  cap- 
ture in  hunting  .should  know  that  their  bones  were 
given  to  dogs  and  broken  to  pieces,  they  would  not 
suffer  themselves  to  be  taken  so  easily.  They  wipe 
off  upon  their  hair  the  grease  which  is  collected  from 
fatty  foods ;  sometimes  they  smear  their  cheeks  or 
arms  for  the  sake,  as  they  say,  of  elegance  and 
health ;  for  they  think  that  not  only  is  the  skin  made 
resplendent  with  grease,  but  that  the  limbs  are  thus 
strengthened.  For  no  other  food  do  they  have  such 
fondness  as  for  Sagamita.  It  is  a  relish  made  from 
flour,  especially  that  of  Indian  corn,  mixed  with  oil, 
which  as  a  flavor  is  held  in  especial  esteem  among 
them.  Therefore,  in  feasts  the  first  course  consists 
of  oil  or  fat,  in  hard  and  compact  lumps,  into  which 
they  bite  as  we  do  into  a  piece  of  bread  or  an  apple. 
Before  pots,  kettles  and  other  vessels  of  the  sort  were 
brought  to  them  from  France,  they  used  receptacles 


If 

4 


H 

1      ; 


) 


I      I 


284 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J^SUITES  [Vol.  1 


conjiciebant  in  focum,  donee  penitus  ignem  com- 
bibiffent.  Candentes  in  ollam  frigida  plenam  &  ear- 
nibus  alios  atque  alios  fubinde  immittebant.  Ad 
hune  modum  aqua  ealefadta  carnes  eitius  opinione 
faciliufque  pereoquit.  Ad  tergendas  manus  utuntur 
pilofo  eanum  tergo,  eui  illas  affrieant;  item  fcobe 
ligni  putris.  Hsec  matribus  vice  panniculorum  eft, 
ad  piirgandas  infantium  fordes;  hsec  inftar  culcitae 
languidis  corporibus  fubfternitur.  Vafa  coquinaria 
non  extergunt.  Quo  funt  craffo  pingui  magis  oblita, 
eo  melius,  illorum  judicio,  nitent.  Turpe  ducunt  & 
fuperbum  inambulare  inter  colloquendum.  Odorem 
mofci  graviter  ferunt,  &  meram  effe  mephitim  pu- 
tant,  prse  carnis  rancidse,  aut  adipis  mucidi  frufto. 

Sexcenta  funt  ejus  generis,  in  quibus  longilTime  re- 
cedunt  ab  Europaeorum  inftitutis:  fed  ab  illorum 
vitiis  p/opius  abfunt,  eaque  vel  asquant,  vel  fupe- 
rant.  Guise  irritamenta,  &  inimicas  bonae  ac  fanae 
menti  potiones,  ab  Europaeis  mercatoribus  accepe- 
runt,  quibus  lucri  bonus  eft  odor,  etiam  ex  flagitio, 
&  fcelerata  nundinatione.  Tandiu  effe  pergunt,  dum 
adeft  quod  edant:  nihil  in  craftinum,  aut  hyemem, 
reponunt :  nee  famem  valde  ref ormidant,  quia  fe  f er- 
re  diuturnam  poffe  confidunt.  Conviviis  ea  lex  pofita 
confenfu  moribufque  genti'-  eft,  ut  omnia  fercula 
confumantur.  Si  quis  edit  parcius,  &  excufat  valetu- 
dinem,  pledtitur,  aut  ejicitur,  ut  infulfus,  quafi  qui  vi- 
vendi  artem  nefciat.     Primaria  fupelledtilis  domefticae 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


285 


of  closely  joined  bark ;  but,  because  they  could  not 
place  them  with  safety  over  the  flames,  they  devised 
the  following  way  of  cooking  meat :  They  cast  a 
large  number  of  flint  stones  into  the  fire  until  they 
had  become  red-hot.  Then  they  would  drop  these 
hot  stones  one  after  another  into  a  vessel  full  of  cold 
water  and  meat.  In  this  manner  the  water  was 
heated  and  the  meat  cooked  more  quickly  and  more 
easily  than  one  would  suppose.  For  wiping  their 
hands  they  use  the  shaggy  back  of  a  dog,  also  pow- 
der of  rotten  wood.  The  last-named  is  used  by 
mothers,  in  the  place  of  wash-cloths,  to  clean  the 
dirt  from  their  infants ;  it  is  also  used  as  a  mattress 
to  support  the  weary  body.  They  do  not  cleanse 
their  cooking  utensils.  The  more  they  are  covered 
with  thick  grease,  so  much  the  better  are  they,  in 
their  judgment.  They  consider  it  disgraceful  and 
arrogant  to  walk  while  conversing.  They  dislike 
the  odor  of  musk,  and  consider  it  a  downright  pest 
in  comparison  with  a  piece  of  rancid  meat  or  moldy 
fat. 

There  are  six  hundred  matters  of  this  sort  in  which 
their  customs  differ  very  widely  from  those  of  Euro- 
peans ;  but  they  are  less  removed  from  the  faults  of 
the  latter,  and  either  equal  or  excel  them.  They 
have  received  stimulants  of  the  appetite,  and  drinks 
hostile  to  a  good  and  sound  mind,  from  European 
traders,  who  think  much  of  profit,  even  when  tainted 
with  the  disgrace  of  a  wicked  traffic.  They  continue 
to  exist  so  long  as  they  have  anything  to  eat ;  they 
store  up  nothing  for  to-morrow,  or  for  the  winter; 
nor  do  they  greatly  dread  famine,  because  they  are 
confident  of  their  ability  to  bear  it  for  a  long  time. 
In  feasts  it  is  the  rule,  by  general  consent  and  cus- 
tom of  the  race,  that  all  the  food  shall  be  consumed. 


wn- — r 


I; 

I' 


II 


u 


!,; 


\y  ;s 


1^- 


} 


*f''H 


286 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£:SUITES  [Vol.1 


pars,  olla  eft,  five  ahenum,  in  quo  carries  coquuntur. 
Opes  lebetum  numero  metiuntur :  nee  regem  Galliae 
aliam  ob  caufam  initio  magni  aeftimabant;  qu^m 
qu6d  plures  habere  ollas  dicebatur.  Quanta  fit  apud 
exleges,  &  omni  freno  folutos,  intemperantiae  impu- 
nitas  &  licentia,  praefertim  in  adolefcentibus,  promp- 
tum  eft  intelligere:  nam  grandiores  natu  libidinem 
certis  finibus  circumfcribunt,  ctim  aeftus  cupiditatum 
deferbuit:  nee  impune  eft  peccanti  feminae. 

Religionis  apud  illos  neque  lex  ulla,  neque  cura. 
Nullo  ftato  &  certo  cultu  Numen  profequuntur. 
EfTe  tamen  aliquod,  velut  in  fubluftri  nodle,  vident. 
Quod  quifque  puer  afpicit  in  fomnis,  cum  lucefcere 
ratio  incipit,  hoc  illi  deinceps  numen  eft,  canis,  urfus, 
avis.  Vivendi  normam  &  agendi  plerumque  ducunt 
h  fomniis;  ut  fi  quem  interficiendum,  exempli  caufa, 
fomniaverint,  non  conquiefcant  donee  hominem  in- 
lidiis  exceptum  necaverint.  Piget  fabulas  referre, 
quas  de  mundi  opificio  comminifcuntur.  His  implent 
otiofas  &  avidas  plebis  aures  harioli,  &  circulatores 
nequiffimi,  impietate  quaeftuofa.  Malorum  audlorem 
genium  nefcio  quem  vocant  Manitou,  ac  vehementif- 
fime  perhorrefcunt.  Hoftem  procul  dubio  generis 
humani,  qui  "k  nonnullis  divinos  honores  &  facrificia 
quaedam  extorquet.  Circa  naturam  animarum  non 
levius  delirant.  Simulacra  fingunt  corporea,  cibi  & 
potionis  egentia.  Defiinatum  animabus  verfus  occi- 
dentem  folem,  pagum  credunt,  in  quem  obita  morte 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


287 


If  any  one  eats  sparingly  and  urges  his  poor  health 
as  an  excuse,  he  is  beaten  or  ejected  as  ill-bred,  just 
as  if  he  were  ignorant  of  the  art  of  living.  The  prin- 
cipal article  of  their  household  utensils  is  the  pot  or 
kettle  in  which  the  meat  is  cooked.  They  measure 
property  by  the  number  of  kettles,  and  in  the  be- 
ginning conceived  a  high  opinion  of  the  king  of 
France,  for  no  other  reason  than  because  he  was  said 
to  possess  a  good  many  kettles.  How  great  is  the 
impunity  and  wantonness  of  licentiousness  among 
men  uncivilized  and  free  from  all  restraint,  especial- 
ly among  the  youth,  maybe  readily  observed;  for 
the  elder  men  confine  their  lust  within  fixed  limits, 
after  the  violence  of  their  passions  has  subsided,  and 
an  erring  woman  does  not  go  unpunished. 

There  is  among  them  no  system  of  religion,  or  care 
for  it.  They  honor  a  Deity  who  has  no  definite  char- 
acter or  regular  code  of  worship.  They  perceive, 
however,  through  the  twil;"ght,  as  it  were,  that  some 
deity  does  exist.  What  each  boy  sees  in  his  dreams, 
when  his  reason  begins  to  develop,  is  to  him  there- 
after a  deity,  whether  it  be  a  dog,  a  bear,  or  a  bird. 
They  often  derive  their  principles  of  life  and  action 
from  dreams;  as,  for  example,  if  they  dream  that 
any  person  ought  to  be  killed,  they  do  not  rest  until 
they  have  caught  the  man  by  stealth  and  slain  him. 
It  is  wearisome  to  recount  the  tales  which  they  in- 
vent conc2i*ning  the  creation  of  the  world.  Sooth- 
sayers and  worthless  quacks  fill  with  these  the  idle 
and  greedy  ears  of  the  people  in  order  that  they  may 
acquire  an  impious  gain.  They  call  some  divinity, 
who  is  the  author  of  evil,  **  Manitou,"  and  fear  him 
exceedingly.  Beyond  doubt  it  is  the  enemy  of  the 
human  race,  who  extorts  from  some  people  divine 
honors  and   sacrifices.      Concerning   the   nature    of 


If 


288 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jASUITES  [Vol.1 


>i     ' 


',1 


v^  y 


) 


1  V 


fe  recipiant:  &  iibi  epulis,  veiiationi,  &  choreis  indul- 
geant.     Haec  enim  apud  illos  fumma. 

Cum  primum  de  fempiternis  ignibus,  &  incendiis 
fceleri  deftinatis  audierunt,  immane  quantum  obftu- 
puere:  fidem  tamen  pertinaciter  abrogabant,  qu6d 
dicerent  ibi  elTe  ignem  non  polTe,  ubi  nihil  ligni  fit: 
turn,  quaenam  filvae  alere  tot  ignes,  tarn  diuturnos,  pof- 
f  ent  ?  Haec  ratio  ineptiffimat  antam  vim  apud  barbaras 
mentes  habebat,  ut  iis  perfuaderi  Veritas  evangelica 
non  polTet.  Quippe  in  homine  carnali,  ut  ait  h  SS. 
PP.  nonnemo,  tota  ratio  intelligendi  eft  confuetudo 
cernendi.  Expugnavit  nihilominus  pertinaciam  fa- 
cerdos  acer  &  ingeniofus.  Fidenter  affirmavit  infe- 
rorum  terram  vices  obire  ligni,  &  ipfam  ardere  per 
fefe.  Rifu  barbarse  multitudinis  exceptus  eft.  Imo, 
inquit,  hujus  Avernalis  terrae  fruftum  proferam  vobis, 
ut,  quoniam  verbis  divinis  non  creditis,  veftris  ipfi 
oculis  credatis.  Accendit  curiofitatem  promiffi  novi- 
tas  &  fiducia.  Convenerunt  &  tota  regione  ad  diem 
conftitutum,  &  in  ingenti  planitie,  collibus  inftar  am- 
phitheatri  cindta,  confed  runt.  Primores  gentis  duo- 
decim  ledti  fuere,  viri  graves  &  cordati,  qui  facer- 
dotem  obfervarent,  numquid  fraudis  ac  praeftigiar- 
um  lateret.  Ille  fulphuris  glebam  depromit,  dat  iftis 
arbitris  &  cognitoribus  tradlandam :  banc  oculis,  nafo, 
manu  fcrutati,  baud  dubie  terram  elTe  confeffi  funt. 
Aderat  olla  cum  prunis  candentibus.  Tunc  facerdos 
populo  procul  fpedtante ;  inliiantibus,  demiffo  in  pru- 


If 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


289 


spirits,  they  go  none  the  less  astray.  They  make 
them  corporeal  images  which  require  food  and  drink. 
They  believe  that  the  appointed  place  for  souls,  to 
which  after  death  they  are  to  retire,  is  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  setting  sun,  and  there  they  are  to  enjoy 
feasting,  hunting,  and  dancing;  for  these  pleasures 
are  held  in  the  highest  repute  among  them. 

When  they  first  heard  of  the  eternal  fire  and  the 
burning  decreed  as  a  punishment  for  sin,  they  were 
marvelously  impressed ;  still,  they  obstinately  with- 
held their  belief  because,  as  they  said,  there  could 
be  no  fire  where  there  was  no  wood;  then,  what  for- 
ests could  sustain  so  many  fires  through  such  a  long 
space  of  time  ?  This  absurd  reasoning  had  so  much 
influence  over  the  minds  of  the  savages,  that  they 
could  not  be  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel. 
For,  plainly,  in  the  physical  man,  as  some  one  from 
Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  says,  the  entire  system  of  knowl- 
edge is  based  on  vision.  Nevertheless,  a  clever  and 
ingenious  priest  overcame  their  obstinacy.  He  con- 
fidently declared  that  the  lower  world  possessed  no 
wood,  and  that  it  burned  by  itself.  He  was  greeted 
by  the  laughter  of  the  crowd  of  savages.  "But," 
said  he,  "  I  will  exhibit  to  you  a  piece  of  this  land 
of  Avernus,  in  order  that,  since  you  do  not  believe 
the  words  of  God,  you  may  trust  the  evidence  of  your 
own  eyes."  The  novelty  and  boldness  of  the 
promise  aroused  their  curiosity.  Upon  the  appointed 
day  they  assembled  from  the  whole  neighborhood, 
and  sat  down  together  in  an  immense  plain,  sur- 
rounded by  hills  like  an  amphitheater.  Twelve  lead- 
ing men  of  the  tribe,  persons  of  dignity  and  sagaci- 
ty, were  chosen  to  vatch  the  priest,  in  order  that 
neither  fraud  nor  sorcery  might  be  concealed.  He 
produced  a  lump  of  sulphur  and  gave  it  to  the  judges 


1)1 


m 


290 


I 


I,; 


•I  /I 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.1 


nas  nafo,  judicibus,  excuffit  in  carbones  h  fulphurea 
gleba  particulas  aliquot,  quae  fubito  conceperunt  ig- 
nem  &  odore  fetido  nares  curiofas  impleverunt.  Hoc 
iterum,  ac  terti6  cum  effet  fadlum,  affurrexit  multi- 
tudo  attonita,  manum  planam  imponens  ori,  quo  geftu 
fummam  admirationem  teftantur;  &  inferos  elTe  di- 
centi  Deo  credidit. 


*l 


\  \ 


I 


fti 


1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


291 


and  inspectors  to  be  handled ;  after  examining  it  with 
eyes,  nose,  and  hand,  they  admitted  that  it  was  cer- 
tainly earth.  There  stood  near  by  a  kettle  contain- 
ing live  coals.  Then  the  priest,  under  the  eyes  of 
the  people  at  a  distance,  while  the  judges  were  gap- 
ing with  their  noses  thrust  down  toward  the  coals, 
shook  some  grains  from  the  lump  of  sulphur  upon 
the  coals,  which  suddenly  took  fire  and  filled  the 
curious  noses  with  a  stifling  odor.  When  this  had 
been  done  a  second  and  a  third  time,  the  crowd  arose 
in  astonishment,  placing  their  hands  flat  over  their 
mouths,  by  which  gesture  they  signify  great  sur- 
prise ;  and  believed  in  the  word  of  God  that  there  is 
a  lower  world. 


\\ 


\ 


\\  i 


202 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  J&SUITES  [Vol.  1 


I,, 


I 


) 


( 

t 

I 


13   I 


1 


51]     Rerum  Insigniorum  Indiculus. 


A    LCES  confideratio 

•              « 

7 

J~\          virtus  mira  ungnlcB  ejus    . 

8 

Angli  barbaris  gladios  et  gravidas   nitrate 

> 

pulverc  fifttdas  fiippeditant 

27 

Animarum  dc  natura  dclirant  Canadenfes    .              20,  46 

Aves  NovcB  Franc  ice              .... 

14 

Avis  prcedatrix 

15 

Batavi  barbaris  anna  vcndunt 

27 

Canada  fluvius        .              .              , 

>        1 

Canadcnfiuni  domus              .              , 

% 

t# 

viulierum  laborcs           .              , 

m 

morbi  et  cegrorum  cura              , 

18 

funcra              .              , 

ao 

bella    .              ,              . 

# 

arma  .              .              .              , 

al 

crudelitas  in  captivos  .             , 

n 

indoles               .              .              , 

%% 

corporis  cultus 

%1 

cibi      .... 

4» 

convivia            .              .              , 

44 

'52]  Canadenfium  fupcllcx  . 

44 

religio  et  fiiperftitiones 

45 

CaptivoruiH  crude  lis  fors    . 

29 

Cafoe  Canadenfium 

16 

cadavera  pcrjanuam  nunquam  t 

"fferuntur 

20 

Cafce  fibrorutn 

10 

Can  far  us  feu  Pifcis  arniatus 

12 

Clypei  barbarorum 

*  ,     ■''»■■ 

.   m 

wm 


1610-13J 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


293 


C5M    Index  of  Prominent  Topics. 

{The Page  numbers  refer  to  O'Callaghan's  Keprinl.] 

ELK :  description 
wonderful  efficacy  of  its  hoof 
The  English  supply  sivords,  guns  and  ammu 
nition  to  the  savages     . 
Absurd  ideas  of  Canadians  concerning  the  soul 
Birds  of  Neiu  Frafice 
A  bird  of  prey 

The  Dutch  sell  arms  to  the  savages 
The  river  Canada  . 
Homes  of  the  Canadians 
tasks  of  the  women 
diseases  and  treatment  of  the  sick 
funerals 
zvars   . 
weapons 

cruelty  to  prisoners 
character 
care  of  the  body 
food     . 
feasts  . 
[52]  Implements  of  the  Canadians 

religion  and  superstitions 
Cruel  fate  of  prisoners 
Houses  of  the  Canadians      . 

corpses  arc  never  carried  out  through  the  door 
Houses  of  the  beavers 
The  Causar  or  armored  Fish 
Shields  of  the  savages 


7 
8 

27 
o,  46 

14 
15 
27 

5 

16 

18 
20 

27 
28 
29 

33 

Z7 
42 

44 

44 

45 
29 

16 

20 

10 

12 

28 


* 


\ 


It 


294 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  jlSUITES  [Vol.  1 


!  'I 


\i 


) 


Coquendi  ratio  in  cacabis  b  cortice  confe£lis 

Ebrictas  ah  Europais  difcitur 

Exequiarum  ritns  . 

Fcminis  imponitur  qiiidquid  laboris  efl 

Fibri  confidcratio     . 

Fluvii  quid  habcnt  fingularc 

Francia  Nova  defcriptio,  flumina    . 

ccelum 

foli  natnra 

fcrie     .... 
Gallia  rex  cur  magni  (efiimabatiir 
Huroncs  diem  Mortuoruni  celebrant 
Infantium  mira  viortalitas 

cur  corpora  propter  viam  fepeliunt 
Infer  Males  ignes  eJJ'e  probat  facerdos 
[53]  Iroquici  bcllnni  cum  Montanis  fingulari  certa 

mine  finiunt 
Iroquieornm  lac  us    . 
Kebecum,  urbs  primaria  Nova  Francia 
Magna  Bellua,  quid 
ManitoU,  genius  maloruin    . 
Miffifipus  fluvius     . 

Montani  bellum  fingulari  certamine  finiunt 
Morborum  fontes  duo 
Morttiorum  fcfla  celebritas  apud  Hurones 
Mos  Canadenfis  mortuos  fufcitandi 
Navictda;  barbarorum 
Neutra  Natio 

Numen  nullo  certo  cultu  profequuntur 
Palumbes  abfquc  numero 
Pifeis  armatus 

Patres  non  pauci  Societatis  fefu  dire  torquentur 
Religio  Canadcnfium 
Reticula  pedibus  fubflrata  ut  ftipcr  nivcs  de  ambulent 


42 

44 
20 

17 

9 
6 

5 

6 

7 
7 

45 
25 
17 
21 

48 

28 

12 

6 

7 
46 

6 

28 

18 

25 

2S 
6 

38 
44 
14 
13 

31 

45 
8 


1610-J8] 


THK  JESUIT  RELA  T/ONS 


Manner  of  cooking  in  vessels  made  from  bark 

Drunkenness  is  learned  from  the  Europeans 

Rites  of  sepulture    . 

Whatever  work  there  is    's  placed  upon  the  women 

Description  of  the  beaver     . 

Peculiarities  of  the  rivers    . 

Description  of  New  France,  rivers  . 

climate 

•  •  •  • 

nature  of  the  soil 

wild  animals    . 

•  •  • 

IVhf  the  kiui^'-  of  France  7vas  greatly  respected 
The  Hurons  celebrate  the  day  of  the  Dead 

Remarkable  mortality  among  infants 

zvhy  they  bury  the  bodies  near  the  road 

/i  priest  proves  that  there  is  hell  fire 

[53 1  The  Iroquois  conclude  a  zuar  with  the  Montagnais 
by  single  combat 

Lake  of  the  Iroquois 

Kebec,  the  chief  city  of  Neiv  France 

The  Great  Beast,  what  it  is 

Ma  nit  on,  the  spirit  of  evil . 

Mississippi  river 

The  Montaignais  conclude  a  zvar  by  single  combat 

Tivo  sources  of  disease 

Festival  of  the  Dead  among  the  Hurons 

Canadian  manner  of  honoring  the  dead 

Boats  of  the  savages 

The  Neutral  Nation 

■  •  • 

They  revere  a  deity  ivith  no  fixed  form  of  worship 
Innumerable  pigeons 

The  armored  fish    .  .  .  ^ 

Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  are  cruelly  tortured 
Religion  of  the  Canadians  .  .  , 

Nctivork  bound  under  the  feet,  to  walk  over  the  snotv 


42 

44 
20 

17 

9 
6 

5 

6 

7 

7 

45 

25 

17 
21 

48 

28 

12 

6 

7 

46 

6 

28 
18 

25 

25 

6 

38 

44 

14 

13 

31 

45 
8 


I 


I 


f; 


U 
/I 


•  H 


>i  ',1 
"■III 


296 


LES  RELATIONS  DES  j£SUITES  [Vol.1 


5.  Laurcntii  fluv^us              . 

5.6 

Sagamita  quid,         .... 

42 

54J  Salius  feu  catadupic  iu  fluviis  . 

6 

Sinus  San^i  Laurcntii 

14 

Sonmiorum  vanitas 

46 

Sudando  noxios  huviores  cjiciunt 

19 

Tabacum,  natio  ejus  novtinis 

38 

Trjp/neus    ..... 

32 

Vo lucrum  infula      .... 

14 

1610-13] 


THE  JESUIT  RELA  TIONS 


St.  Lawrence  river 

•  *  • 

Sagamita,  what  it  is 

[  54J  Water -falls,  or  cataracts,  in  the  rivers 

Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 

Ignorant  belief  in  dreams     . 

They  expel  noxious  humors  by  siveating 

Tobacco,  the  nation  of  that  name     . 

The  trophy  •  .  .  . 

Lslc  of  Birds 


297 

5.6 

42 

6 

14 
46 

19 
38 

32 

14 


r 


I 


I'll 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA  :     VOL.  I 


Our  text  of  Lescarbot's  La  Conversion  follows,  to 
the  close  of  p.  44  (original  pagination),  the  copy  at 
Lenox  Library;  pp.  45,  46,  the  "  Regitre  de  Bap- 
teme,  * '  follow  the  copy  at  John  Carter  Brown  Library, 
Providence,  R.  I.,  as  the  Lenox  copy  does  not  have 
these  two  pages. 

It  is  a  rare  book ;  the  two  copies  above  cited  are 
the  only  ones  known  to  us,  in  America.  Leclerc,  in 
Bibliotheca  Americana  (Paris,  1867),  P-  206,  says: 
"  Cette  piece  est  plus  rare  que  I'Histoire  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,"  referring  to  Lescarbot's  better- 
known  work.  vSabin  speaks  of  it  (vol.  x.,  no.  40167), 
as  "probably  the  rarest  of  Lescarbot's  works." 

vSee  further  references  in  the  John  Carter  Brown 
Catalogue  (Bartlett's  Bibliotheca  Americana,  Provi- 
dence, 1882),  vol.  ii.,  no.  99;  Graesse's  Trdsor  de  Litres 
Rares  et  IM'cieux  (Dresden,  1863),  vol.  iv.,  p.  175; 
Harrisse's  Notes  siir  la  Nouvelle  France  (Paris,  1872), 
no.  21  ;  Tiivna.ViX& Bibliotheq7ie Am&icaine{Va.Y\s,  1837), 
no.  330;  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  vol.  iv.,  p.  299;  and  Lenox  Catalogue  of 
Jesuit  Relations  (N.  Y.,  1879),  P-  3-* 

*In  order  to  save  needless  repetition  of  long  titles,  bibliographical 
works,  when  once  cited  in  full,  will  thereafter  be  referred  to  by  the 
usual  cut-shorts :  e.  g.,  the  John  Carter  Brown  Catalogue  will  be 
hereafter  known  in  our  Bibliographical  Data  as  "Brown  Cata- 
logue;" the  list  of  Jesuitica  in  ^'mv<or'9,  Narrative  and  Critical 
History,  vol.  iv.,  as  "Winsor;"  the  Lenox   Catalogtte  df  Jesuit 


300 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:   VOL.  I 


) 


\% 


). 


Title-page.  This  is  given  in  photographic  facsimile, 
in  this  reissue.  The  Lenox  and  Brown  copies  are 
alike,  in  thi.;.  It  will  be  noticed  that  there  is  no  date 
of  publication,  this  being  established  from  the  Privi- 
lege. 

Collation.  Title,  i  p. ;  blank  at  back  of  title,  i  p. ; 
dedication  "A  la  Roynk,"  3  pp.,  signed  "Marc  Les- 
CARBOT;"  privilege,  1  p.,  dated  "Paris,  9  Sep., 
1610,"  and  signed  "  Brigard;"  text,  pp.  7-44.  Page 
7  is  misnumbered  i.  (The  Brown  Catalogue  says: 
"Page  I  is  misnumbered  7."  This  is  a  misprint  in 
the  Catalogue.)  "  Fin,"  at  end  of  p.  24;  then  pp.  23 
and  24  are  reprinted,  all  except  the  last  sentence  on 
p.  24 :  "  Dieu  vueille  par  fa  |  grace  conduire  le  tout 
en  forte  que  la  chofe  |  reiiffiffe  a  fa  gloire  &  k  1 'edifi- 
cation de  ce  peu-  |  pie,  pour  lequel  tous  Chretiens 
doivent  faire  |  continuelles  prieres  k  fa  divine  bonte, 
a  ce  qu'il  |  lui  plaife  confirmer  &  avancer  I'ceuvx-e 
qu'il  I  lui  a  pleu  fufciter  en  ce  temps  pour  1' ex- 
altation I  de  fon  nom,  &  le  falut  de  fes  creatures. 
I  Fin." 

It  is  evident  that  the  intention  was  to  have  the  first 
leaf  (pp.  23,  24)  cut  out.  This  duplication  of  pp.  23, 
24  is  in  both  the  Brown  and  Lenox  copies. 

The  "  Extrait  du  Regitre  de  Bapteme  "  in  the 
Brown  copy  (it  is  not  in  the  Lenox  copy)  forms  2 
pages  at  the  end  of  text.  The  first  page  of  this 
"Regitre"  is  not  numbered;  the  second  is  num- 
bered  "  t'6  "  (intended   for  46),    and  this   ends  the 

Relations,  as  "Lenox  Catalogue;"  Harrisse's  Notes  sur  la 
Nouvellc  France,  as  "  Harrisse's  Notes,  "  or  simply  as  "  Harrisse ;  " 
etc.,  etc.  The  student  who  is  familiar,  in  a  general  way,  with  these 
bibliographical  sources, —  and  it  is  presumed  that  those  are,  for 
whom  this  series  of  reprmts  is  designed, —  will  not  be  confused  by 
the  customary  method  of  brief  citation. 


L>W" 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:   VOL.  I 


301 


book.  The  same  "  Regitre  "  appears  in  somewhat 
different  order  in  Lescarbot's  Nouvclle  France,  (1612 
ed.),  pp.  638-640,  chap.  5,  book  v.;  also,  according 
to  Harrisse's  Notes,  in  chap.  3,  book  v.,  of  the  161 1  ed. 

II 

In  Bertrand's  Lcttre  Missive,  we  follow  the  original 
Paris  edition,  in  Lenox.  It  is  a  rare  publication,  the 
Lenox  copy  being  apparently  the  only  one  in  the 
United  States;  Brown  has  a  manuscript  copy,  made 
from  that  at  Lenox.  Sabin  (vol.  x.,  no.  40682),  says: 
"  It  is  a  piece  of  unusual  rarity."  Sabin  has  a  pre- 
vious reference  in  vol.  ii.,  no.  5025,  under  caption 
"Bertrand,"  wherein  a  misprint  makes  him  cite  the 
date  of  the  letter  as  "  28  June,  1618  "  (eighc  years 
later  than  the  actual  date);  a  further  misprint  causes 
Sabin  to  record  the  pamphlet  as  having  "48  pages  or 
less,"  the  actual  number  being  8.  In  his  Notes, 
Harrisse  omits  a  line-ending  after  the  second  "  nou- 
uelle"in  his  description  of  the  title-page.  See,  for 
further  references :  Ternaux,  no.  329;  Winsor,  p.  299; 
Lenox  Catalogue,  p.  3;  Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii., 
no.  103. 

Title-page.  Given  in  photographic  facsimile,  in 
present  volume. 

Collation.  Title,  i  p. ;  blank  at  back  of  title,  i  p. ; 
text,  pp.  3-6;  dated  on  p.  6,  "  Port  Royal  xxviij.  luin, 
1610,"  and  signed  ''  Bertrand."  Blank  leaf  at  end, 
completing  4  leaves =8  pp. 

III-VI 

In  these  four  letters,  by  Biard  and  Masse,  we  fol- 
low Carayon's  Premiere  Mission  des  Jesuit es  an  Canada 
(Paris,  1864).     It  is  a  scarce  book,  and  brought  $8  at 


i    '■ 


Ax 


i 


If 


!      < 


302 


lilBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:   VOL.  I 


the  Barlow  Sale,  in  New  York,  1890.  See  references 
in  Harrisse,  p.  285;  Sabin,  no.  10792;  Winsor,  pp. 
151,  292,  300;  and  Lenox  Catalogue,  p.  15.  The  ori- 
gin of  the  letters  in  the  volume  is  found  at  the  top 
of  the  first  page  of  each  letter;  and  these  data,  with 
accompanying  notes  by  Carayon,  are  reproduced  in 
the  present  series,  which  will,  in  strict  chronological 
order,  contain  all  of  the  papers  given  by  that  editor ; 
although  in  many  cases  we  shall  follow  the  original 
issues  of  the  letters,  whenever  found.  Documents 
III.,  v.,  and  VI.  were  written  in  Latin;  and  Docu- 
ment IV.  in  French. 

Collation.  Blank,  2  pp. ;  bastard  title,  i  p. ;  blank, 
I  p. ;  title  proper,  i  p. ;  blank,  i  p.  Preface  begins 
on  p.  vii.  ( not  numbered ),  and  ends  on  p.  xvi.  Pref- 
ace acknowledges  indebtedness  to  F.  Felix  Martin, 
S.  J.,  for  copying  and  translating  into  French  (from 
the  Latin )  most  of  the  letters  in  the  volume.  Text, 
pp.  1-302;  Table  at  end,  2  pp.;  the  last  of  these  is 
numbered  304. 

VII 

We  follow  the  style  and  make-up  of  Dr.  E.  B. 
O'Callaghan's  Reprint  (Albany,  N.  Y.,  1871  )  of  the 
Canadiae  Missionis,  in  Jouvency's  Hist.  Soc.  JesJi,  part 
v.,  commencing  p.  321.  In  the  Lenox  Catalogue, 
it  is  designated  "  O'Callaghan's  Reprint,  No.  4." 
This  numbering  of  O'Callaghan's  reprints,  is  merely 
a  device  peculiar  to  the  Lenox  Catalogue,  for  sake  of 
easy  reference,  and  has  been  followed  by  Winsor; 
the  reprints  themselves  bear  no  numbers. 

The  text  of  this  document,  however,  we  have 
compared  with  the  original  folio  edition  of  Jouvency's 
work,  in  the  library  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  College, 
New  York,  and  the  pagination  thereof  is  indicated 


ill 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  DATA:   VOL.  I 


303 


instead  of  that  of  the  O'Callaghan  Reprint.  The 
list,  "  Missiones  Societatis  Jesu  in  America  Sep- 
tentrionali  Anno  M.  DCC.  X.,"  which  O'Callaghan 
reprints  as  if  a  part  of  the  original  Canadica;  Missionis, 
is  on  pp.  961,  962  of  the  same  volume  of  Jouvency  in 
which  the  latter  appears  (part  v.). 

Title-page.  The  O'Callaghan  Reprint  is  closely- 
imitated. 

Collation  of  O'Callaghan  Reprint.  Title,  i  p.;  re- 
verse of  title,  with  inscription:  "  Editio  viginti 
qitinque  exemplaria.  O'C,"  i  p. ;  Biardi  Eiilogium  ac 
Vita,  pp.  i-v. ;  blank,  i  p. ;  Tabula,  1  p. ;  blank,  i  p. ; 
text,  pp.  5-33  ;  colophon:  "  Albaniae  Excvdebat  Joel 
Munsellius  |  Mense  Aprilis  Anno  |  CIO.  lOCCC. 
LXXL,"  I  p.;  half-title,  "Appendix,"  i  p.;  blank,  i 
p. ;"  Missiones  Societatis  lesu  |  in  America  Septentrio- 
nali  I  Anno  M.DCC.X.,"  2  pp.,  the  last  of  which  is 
numbered  38. 

VIII 

We  follow  the  style  and  make-up  of  O'Callaghan's 
Reprint  (Albany,  1871),  which  is  numbered  5  in  the 
Lenox  Catalogue.  The  text  and  pagination  follow 
the  original,  in  Jouvency 's  Hist.  Soe.  Jesu,  part  v., 
commencing  p.  344. 

Title-page.  The  O'Callaghan  Reprint  is  closely 
imitated. 

Collation  of  O'Callaghan  Reprint.  Title,  i  p.;  re- 
verse of  title,  with  inscription:  "Editio  viginti 
quinque exemplaria.  O'C,"  i  p. ;  Tabula  Rerum,  i  p. ; 
blank,  i  p.;  text,  pp.  5-49;  blank,  i  p.;  Rerum 
Insigniorum  Indiculus,  4  pp.;  colophon:  "Albaniae 
Excvdebat  Joel  Munsellius  |  Mense  Qvintilis  Anno  | 
CIO.   lOCCC.    LXXL,"  I  p. 


•1   w 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


(Figures  in  parentheses,  following  number  of  note,  refer  to  pages 

of  English  text. ) 


1-  (P-  55)  —  Marie  de  Medicis,  queen  regent,  widow  of  Henry  of 
Navarre;  appointed  regent  by  the  king,  the  day  before  his  assas- 
sination, May  14,  1610.  She  was  accused  of  having  been  privy  to 
his  murder. 

2-  (P-  55)  — The  reports  of  Champlain,  and  the  maps  and  charts 
with  which,  upon  returning  from  his  voyage  of  1603,  he  enter- 
tained Henry  IV.,  so  interested  the  latter  that  he  vowed  to  encour- 
age the  colonization  of  New  France.  To  carry  on  this  work  he 
commissioned,  as  his  lieutenant-general  in  Acadia,  Pierre  du  Gua, 
Sieur  de  Monts,  governor  of  Pons,  a  Huguenot  resident  at  court, 
and,  according  to  Champlain,  "a  gentleman  of  great  respectability, 
zeal,  and  honesty."  De  Monts'  commission  is  given  at  length  in 
Baird's  Huguenot  Emigration  to  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  341 ;  his  char- 
ter of  "La  Cadie"  embraced  the  country  between  the  40th  and  46th 
degrees  of  latitude,  and  he  held  therein  a  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade. 
J.  G.  Bourinot,  in  Canadian  Monthly,  vol.  vii.,  pp.  291,  292,  says  the 
name  Acaiia  (also  written  Acadie,  and  La  Cadie)  "comes  from 
akade,  whic>,  is  an  affix  used  by  the  Souriquois  or  Mic  Macs  .  .  . 
to  signify  a  place  where  there  is  an  abundance  of  .some  particular 
thing." — See,  also,  Laverdiere's  CEuvres  de  Champlaiji  (Quebec, 
1870),  p.  115.  In  if)G4,  De  Monts  sailed  from  France  with  a  colony 
composed  of  Catholics  and  Huguenots,  served  by  "a  priest  and  a 
minister."  Cha'nplain  and  Poutrincourt  were  with  the  expedition, 
and  Pontgrave  commanded  one  of  the  two  ships.  The  cancelling 
of  his  monopoly  (1607),  deprived  De  Monts  of  the  means  to  carry 
on  his  colonization  schemes.  The  title  to  Port  Royal  he  had  already 
ceded  to  Poutrincourt.  The  king  renewed  De  Monts'  monopoly  for 
one  year,  upon  his  undertakmg  to  found  a  colony  in  the  interior. 
Thereupon  De  Monts  sent  Champlain  to  the  St.  Lawrence  (1608), 
as  his  lieutenant.  Upon  the  death  of  Henry  IV.  (1610),  De  Monts, 
now  financially  ruined,  surrendered  his  commission,  selling  his  pro- 
prietary rights  to  the  Jesuits. 

' '  Jean  de  Biencourt,  Baron  de  Poutrincourt,  a  gentleman  of  Pic- 
ardy,  a  brave  chevalier,  had  carried  arms  against  Henry  IV.  in  the 


i:! 


/I 


.- 1 


306 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


\\ 


'\ 


J 


ranks  of  the  Cutholics,  during  the  wars  of  the  League.  Lesearbot 
tells  how  '  The  king,  holding  him  besieged  in  his  castle  of  Beaumont, 
wished  to  give  him  the  dukedom  of  this  place  m  order  to  attach  him 
to  his  service.'  Poutrincourt  refused.  But,  when  the  king  had  ab- 
jured his  faith,  he  served  this  prince  loyally  and  followed  him  to 
battle,  where  he  accumulated  more  honor  than  fortune.  In  1603,  he 
lived  in  retirement  with  his  wife,  Jeanne  de  Salazar,  and  his  chil- 
dren, in  his  barony  of  Saint-Just,  in  Champagne, struggling  painfully 
against  the  difficulties  of  an  embarrassed  situation,  and  striving  to 
improve  the  tillage  and  crops  of  his  little  domain.  It  was  here  that 
De  Monts,  his  former  companion  in  arms,  found  him.  He  knew  his 
courage,  his  intelligence,  and  his  activity,  and  did  not  doubt  that  a 
voyage  to  Canada  and  an  agricultural  colony  in  these  distant  lands, 
so  fertile  and  primeval,  would  ajjpeal  to  his  ardent  soul.  Poutrin- 
court, in  fact,  received  with  enthusiasm  the  plan  of  his  old  friend; 
however,  before  binding  himself  definitely,  he  wished  to  find  out,  on 
his  own  account,  something  about  the  state  of  the  country,  and  for 
this  purpose  to  make  a  trial  voyage." —  Rochemonteix's  Les  Ji' suites 
ft  la  Nouvellc  France  (Paris,  1896),  vol.  i.,  p.  11. 

Pleased  with  Annapolis  harbor,  Poutrincourt  decided  to  settle 
there  with  his  family,  and  De  Monts  gave  him  a  grant  of  the  place. 
In  i6o6,  Poutrincourt  made  a  second  voyage  to  Port  Royal,  explor- 
ing the  coast  with  Champlain  and  Lesearbot.  After  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  colony  (1607),  he  went  to  France,  returning  to  Acadia 
in  1610,  inspired  with  zeal  to  convert  the  savages,  but  without 
the  aid  of  the  Jesuits.  See  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
Aew  IVor/d  {ed.  1885,  which  will  hereafter  be  cited,  unless  other- 
wise noted),  pp.  244-322;  also  Shea's  ed.  of  Charlevoix's  History  of 
New  France,  vol.  i.,  p.  2f)o.  By  the  destruction  of  Port  Royal  in 
1 61 3,  he  was  the  heaviest  loser  —  the  total  loss  to  the  French,  accord- 
ing to  Charlevoix,  being  a  hundred  thousand  crowns.  In  1614, 
Poutrincourt  visited  the  ruins  of  Por<-  Royal  for  the  last  time,  thence 
returning  to  France  to  engage  in  the  service  of  the  king.  He  was 
fatally  wounded  by  a  treacherous  shot  after  the  taking  of  Mery 
(1615).  Baird  (Hug.  Emig.,  vol.  i.,  p.  94),  says:  "This  nobleman, 
if  nominally  a  Roman  Catholic,  appears  to  have  been  in  full  sympa- 
thy with  his  Huguenot  associates,  De  Monts  and  Lesearbot.  His 
hatred  of  the  Jesuits  was  undisguised."  Lescarbot's  account  of 
Poutrincourt's  dispute  with  them  differs  essentially  from  that  given 
by  Biard,  post. 

3-  (P-  55)  —  Marc  Lesearbot  (or  L'Escarbot),  parliamentary  ad- 
vocate, was  born  at  Vervins,  France,  between  1570  and  1580.  He 
was  more  given  to  literature  than  to  law,  and  appears  to  have  been  a 
man  of  judgment,  tact,  and  intelligence.     He  spent  the  winter  of 


"    r. 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


307 


l^1o(i-o^  at  Port  Royal,  which  Slafter  (Prince  Soc.  ed.  of  Voyages 
of  Samuel  Champlain,  vol.  ii.,  p.  22,  note  56)  locates  "on  the 
north  side  of  the  bay  [Annapolis  Basin]  in  the  present  town  of 
Lower  Granville ;  not,  as  often  alleged,  at  Annapolis."  See  Bouri- 
not's  "  Some  Old  Forts  by  the  Sea,"  in  Trans.  Royal  Society  of 
Canada,  sec.  ii.,  pp.  72-74,  for  description  of  Port  Royal,  which  he 
places  on  the  site  of  the  present  Annapolis.  In  the  spring  of  1(^)07, 
Lescarbot  explored  the  coast  between  the  harbor  of  St.  John,  N.  B., 
and  the  River  St.  Croix.  On  the  abandonment  of  De  Monts'  colony, 
the  same  year,  he  returned  to  France,  where  he  wrote  much  on 
Acadia  and  in  praise  of  Poutrincourt.  Larous.se  gives  the  date  of 
his  death  as  1630.  Parkman's  Pioneers,  pp.  258  et  seq.,  gives  a 
lively  account  of  Lescarbot's  winter  at  the  colony.  Abb6  Faillon, 
in  Histoire  tie  la  Colonic  Fran^aisc  en  Canada  (Montreal,  1865), 
vol.  i.,  p.  Qi,  says  he  has  given  us  the  best  accounts  extant  (in  the 
present  document,  his  Histoire  dc  la  Nouvelle  France,  1609,  and 
his  Les  Muses  de  la  Nomn'lle  France,  1618)  of  the  enterprises  of 
De  Monts  and  Poutrincourt;  and  that  while  a  Catholic  in  name, 
he  was  a  Huguenot  at  heart. 

4-  (P-  57)  —  Clameur  de  Haro,  Chartre  Normand,  an  expres- 
sion used  in  all  the  privileges  or  licenses  granted  by  the  king  to 
booksellers.  The  latter  phrase  refers  to  a  deed  containing  numer- 
ous privileges  or  concessions,  accorded  to  the  inhabitants  of  Nor- 
mandy by  Louis  X.,  Mar.  19,  1313,  and  repeatedly  confirmed  after- 
ward. Haro  is  supposed  to  be  derived  from.  Ha  Rou  !  or  Ha  Rollo  ! 
Hence  an  appeal  to  Rollo,  the  first  Duke  of  Normandy. 

5.  (p.  59)  —  The  first  attempt  of  the  Huguenots  to  establish  a 
colony  in  Americ?  was  at  Rio  Janeiro,  under  Villegagnon  (1555). 
A  reinforcement  was  sent  thither  in  1557,  and  among  its  Calvinist 
preachers  was  Jean  de  L6ri,  the  historian  of  the  disastrous  under- 
taking. See  his  Hist  or  ia  Navigationis  in  Brasiliam  (1586),  quoted 
in  Parkman's  Pioneers,  p.  28. 

6.  (p.  61)  —  The  St.  Lawrence;  so  named  by  Cartier  (1535),  but 
frequently  called  "The  Great  River,"  "The  River  of  the  Great 
Bay,"  etc.,  by  early  annalists.  In  the  account  of  his  second  voy- 
age, Cartier  styles  it  Ic  grand  fleuve  de  Hochelaga.  See  Win- 
sor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  iv.,  p.  163; 
also  his  Cartier  to  P'rontenac,  p.  28. 

7.  (p.  61 )  —  Concerning  early  European  acquaintance  with  Ameri- 
can Indians: 

"  In  the  yeere  1153  .  .  .  it  is  written,  that  there  came  to  Lubec, 
a  citie  of  Germanic,  one  Canoa  with  certaine  Indians,  like  vnto  a 
long  barge:  which  seemed  to  haue  come  from  the  coast  of  Baccalaos, 
which  standeth  in  the  same  latitude  that  Germanie  doth."   (Antoine 


308 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


i 


1 


) 


Galvano,  in  GoldsmiU's  ed.  of  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  vo\.  xvi.,  p.  293.) 
Hamsse  (Jiid/t'ot/icca  Americana  Veiustissima,  no.  71)  cites  the 
Chronicon  of  Eusebius  (Paris,  1512)  as  having,  "under  the  date  1500, 
a  notice  saying  that  there  had  been  brought  to  Rouen  seven  Sav- 
ages from  North  America." 

The  Indians  of  Newfoundland,  when  first  discovered  by  the 
French,  called  codfish  bacalos,  which  Lescarbot  and  other  early 
French  writers  say  is  identical  with  the  Basque  word  for  codfish. 
Many  evidences  led  Cartier,  upon  his  first  voyage  (1534),  to  believe 
that  the  natives  had  had  previous  intercourse  with  Europeans. 

8.  (p.  61)  —  Probably  Andr6  Thevet.  A  tran.slation  of  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  Isles  of  Demons  (now  known  as  Belle  Isle  and  ^uir- 
pon),  is  given  in  Parkman's  Pioneers,  p.  191.  Thevet's  Cosntog- 
raphie  Universclle  (Paris,  1558),  and  Singularitez  tie  la  France 
antarctiquc  (Paris,  I1558),  must  have  been  familiar  to  LescarlK)t. 
De  Cost'  IS  a  translation  of  so  much  of  the  Cosmoi;rap/ite  as 
relates  tt  ./  England,  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol. 
viii.,  p.  ijj:  "The  production  of  the  mendacious  monk,  Andre 
Thevet."  It  seems  clear  that  Thevet  never  saw  the  American 
coast,  that  his  imagination  amplified  the  accounts  of  navigators  who 
had  visited  the  region,  particularly  those  of  Cartier.  Priceless  as 
are  first  editions  of  Thevet,  he  has  a  poor  reputation  for  veracity. 

9.  (p.  61)  —  The  Armouchiquois  (or  Almouchiquois  of  ChampUiiii) 
were,  according  to  Parkman  {Jesuits  of  N.  America,  p.  xxi.),  the 
Algonkin  tribes  of  New  England, —  Mohicans,  Pequots,  Mas.sachu- 
setts,  Narragansetts,  and  others, — "  in  a  chronic  state  of  war  with 
the  tribes  of  New  Brunswick  f>nd  Nova  Scotia."  Williamson, 
in  History  of  the  State  of  Maine  (Hallowell,  1832),  vol.  i.,  p.  477), 
says  they  were  an  Etchemin  tribe,  the  Marechites  of  the  St.  John 
River;  but  Champlain,  who  had,  like  Biard,  visited  the  Armouchi- 
quois cour'ry,  says  that  it  lies  beyond  Choiiacoet  (Saco),  and  that  the 
languag  iifTerent  from  those  of  the  Souriquois  and  Etchemins. 
Laverdi  "irms  that  "the  French  called  Almouchiquois  seveiJ.1 
peoples  or  ..loes  that  the  English  included  under  the  term  Mass  - 
chusetts ; ' '  and  he  conjectures  that  these  two  names  are  etymolog 
ically  allied.  —  See  his  Champlain,  pp.  200,  205,  206. 

10.  (p.  61)  —  Lescarbot  here  refers  io  h\?,  Histoire  de  laNouvelle 
France.  The  first  edition  (Paris,  1609)  is  a  rare  prize  to  collect- 
ors,—  a  London  catalogue  of  1878  pricin^  It  at  ;^45.  The  edition  of 
1612  IS  followed  in  the  Tross  reprint  (Paris,  1S66);  that  of  1618 
contains  Lescarbot's  assault  upon  the  Jesuits.  The  fourth  and 
sixth  books,  only,  were  "  translated  out  of  the  French  into  English  " 
by  P.  Erondelle,  i6o().  A  German  version  of  a  brief  summary  of 
the  work  appeared  in  161 3. 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


309 


11.  (p.  67)  — The  term  Norembega,  variously  spelled,  was  applied 
indifferently  to  the  entire  range  of  Acadian  and  New  England 
coast;  but  apparently  the  Penobscot  is  here  meant.  See  Winsor's 
N.  and  C.  Hist.,  vol.  iv.,  index;  Documentary  History  of  State  of 
Maine,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  Hi.,  liii. ;  Prince  Society's  ed.  of  Champiain, 
memoir  and  index.  The  claim  is  made  for  Bangor,  Me.,  that  it  is 
on  the  site  of  an  ancient  town  called  Norumbega.  Much  informa- 
tion on  this  point  is  given  in  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  vols,  ii.,  iv., 
v.,  vli.,  viii.,  and  ix.  Sewall  claims  that  the  true  form  of  Norum- 
begua  is  Ar&mbec,  and  that  it  was  the  name  of  a  city  of  the  savages, 
situated  near  the  head-waters  of  the  Damariscotta,  above  Pema- 
quid. —  Ancient  Dominions  of  Maine,  pp.  30-46.  Horsford,  in 
Discovery  of  the  Ancient  City  of  Norembega  and  Defences  of 
Norembega  (Boston,  1890  and  1891),  claims,  on  slender  evidence, 
that  Watertown,  Mass.,  occupies  the  site  of  an  old  town  of  that 
name  founded  by  Norse  vikings  in  1000  A.  D. 

12.  (p.  67)  —  Bay  of  Fundy;  first  shown  on  map  of  Diego  Homem 
(1558);  named  by  De  Monts  Grande  Baye  Franyaise  (shown  on  Les- 
carbot's  chart  of  Port  Royal);  appears  as  Argal's  Bay,  on  Alexan- 
der's map  (1624);  Golfo  di  S.  Luize,  on  Dudley's  (1647);  Fundi 
Bay,  on  Moll's  (1712);  and  Bay  of  Fundy,  or  Argal,  on  that  of  the 
English  and  French  Commissioners  (1755).  Bourinot  {Canad.  Mo., 
vol.  vii.,  p.  292)  says  that  Fundy  is  a  corruption  of  Fond  de  la  Bale, 
as  the  lower  part  of  the  bay  was  called;  he  follows  here  Ferland's 
suggestion,  in  Coiirs  d'Histoire  du  Canada  (Quebec,  iS6i),  vol. 
i.,p.  65. 

13.  (p.  67)  —  The  son  of  Pontgrav^,  who,  according  to  Parkman 
{Pioneers,  p.  290)  had  exasperated  the  Indians  by  an  outrage  on 
one  of  their  women,  and  had  fled  to  the  woods. 

14.  (p.  69)  —  Palourdes  is  Breton  for  a  kind  of  shellfish. 

15.  (p.  73)  —  The  Souriquois,  or  Micmacs,  of  Nova  Scotia.  Cham- 
plain's  map  of  1632  places  them  east  of  Port  Royal. 

16.  (p.  73)  —  Raphael  Maifei,  Maffeus  Volaterranus,  or  Raffaello 
Volterrano,  savant  and  historian;  born  in  Vol  terra  1451,  died  1521 
or  1522.  Harrisse  {Bib.  Amer.  Vet.,  p.  88)  gives  a  catalogue  of 
his  works,  and  says,  "The  Commentary  of  MafTei  has  a  peculiar 
interest  from  the  fact  that  it  preceded  the  publication  of  Peter 
Martyr's  Decades"  (1511-46). 

Laverdiere  {Champiain,  p.  70,  note)  says  that  sagamo  is  a  Mon- 
tagnais  word ;  and  he  cites  Latieche  as  deriving  it  from  tchi  and 
okimau,  meaning  "great  chief." 

17-  (P-  73)  —  Berosus  (325-255  B.  C,  circa),  a  Chaldean  priest, 
astrologer,  and  historian.  His  best  known  work  is  the  Babylonica, 
a  history  of  Babylonia ;  its  remaming  fragments  have  been  repro- 


I,,      y 

h 


310 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


•M*' 


J' ; 


duced  by  several  European  -vriters,  especially  in  Richter's  Berosi 
Chald.  Historia  qitae  siipersiint  (Leipsic,  1825). 

18.  (p.  75)  —  The  Tolosains  were  a  tribe  of  the  Volcae  of  Gaul. 
Another  tribe  of  the  Volcaj  were  the  Tectosages  —  so  called  from 
their  sagum  (frock  or  cloak). 

19.  (p.  75)  —  Membertou  was  chief  of  all  the  Micmac  groups  from 
Gaspe  to  Cape  Sable.  Champlain  writes,  that  he  was  "a  friendly 
savage,  although  he  had  the  name  of  being  the  worst  and  most 
traitorous  man  of  his  tribe."  Lescarbot  called  him  "the  chef 
d'ueuvre  oi  Christian  piety,"  and  Biard  had  strong  faith  in  him. 
Reclaimed  to  remember  the  first  visit  of  Cartier  (1534). 

20.  (p.  77)  —  Biard,  six  years  later,  complains  bitterly  of  this 
overhaste  in  baptizing,  declaring  that  these  savages,  when  he  went 
among  them  in  161 1,  did  not  know  the  first  principles  of  the  Faith, 
and  had  even  forgotten  their  Christian  names. 

21.  (p.  81)  —  In  the  original  edition,  pp.  25  and  26,  apparently 
through  an  error  in  make-up,  are  verbal  repetitions  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding pages.  This  duplication  has  been  omitted  in  the  presen. 
edition. 

22.  (p.  105)  —  Maiked  changes  occurred  in  the  population  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  valley,  between  the  visits  of  Cartier  (1535)  and  Cham- 
plain  (1603).  Morgan,  in  League  of  the  Iroquois  (Rochester,  1851), 
p.  5,  maintains  the  correctness  of  a  tradition  that  the  aborigines 
whom  Cartier  found  at  Hochelaga  were  Iroquois,  and  that  they  then 
were  subject  to  the  Algonkins,  whom  Champlain  found  in  posses- 
sion of  the  valley.  Cf.  Parkman's  Pioneers,  p.  208,  and  School- 
craft's Hist,  of  Indian  Tribes  of  the  U.  S.,  vol.  vi.,  pp.  33,  188.  For 
further  treatment  of  the  migrations  of  the  Iroquois,  see  Introduction 
to  Hale's  Iroquois  Book  of  Rites  (Phila.,  1883),  and  Faillon's  Col. 
Fr.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  524,  et  seq. 

23.  (p.  107) — Tabagie.  A  feast  described  fully  in  one  of  the  later 
Relations. 

24.  (p.  107)  —This  easy  victory  of  the  French  and  Algonkins  over 
the  Iroquois  (July  29,  1609),  on  the  western  shores  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain, cost  New  France  dearly,  as  it  secured  for  the  struggling 
colony  the  deadly  enmity  of  the  most  warlike  savages  on  the  conti- 
nent, for  nearly  a  century  and  a  half.  It  was  impossible  for  New 
France  to  make  permanent  headway  when  sapped  by  such  an 
enemy.  Slafter's  exhaustive  notes  to  Champlain' s  Voyages 
(Prince  Soc),  vol.  i.,  p.  91,  and  vol.  ii.,  p.  223,  make  it  clear  that  the 
site  of  this  momentous  skirmish  was  Ticonderoga. 

25.  (p.  109)  —  Jesse  Fleclie,  a  secular  priest  from  the  diocese  of 
Langres,  was  invited  by  Poutrincourt  to  accompany  the  first  colci-.y 
to  Acadia.     The  papal  nuncio  gave  him  authority  to  absolve  in  all 


i   .1 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


311 


cases,  except  those  reserved  to  the  pope.— Faillon's  Col.  Fr.,  vol. 
i.,  p.  99.  Poutrincourt  evidently  meant  to  Christianize  Acadia  with- 
out the  aid  of  the  Jesuits.  The  wholesale  baptism  of  savages  by 
Flech6,  before  the  arrival  of  Biard  and  Mass^,  was,  according  to 
Faillon  {Ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  100),  condemned  as  a  profanation  by  good 
Catholics,  "  tous  les  theologiens,  and  notamment  la  Sorbonne. "— Cf . 
also  note  19,  ,inte,  and  Sagard's  Htstoire  liu  Canada,  p.  97.  He 
had  been  at  F'ort  Royal  nearly  a  year  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Jesuits.  The  name  is  variously  spelled:  Flechc,  Fl^che,  Fleche, 
Flech6,  Flesche,  Fleuchy,  and  Fleuche;  see  Suite's  Poutrincourt  en 
Acadie,  p.  38.  See  Bourinot's  picturesque  description  of  the  bap- 
tismal scene,  in  Can.  Royal  Soc.  Trans.,  sec.  ii.,  p.  73.  F16che  was 
much  esteemed  by  the  Micmacs;  his  nickname,  "  Le  Patriarch,"  is 
still  current  among  them  corrupted  into  "  Patliasse,"  as  the  name 
for  a  priest.— See  Ferland's  Cours  d'Histoire  (Quebec,  1861),  vol. 
i.,  p.  80. 

26.  (p.  127)  — The  four  letters  here  given  (Biard,  Jan.  21,  June  10, 
and  June  11,  1611;  and  Masse,  June  11,  i6n)  are  from  Carayon's 
Premiere  Mission  des  Jdsuites  au  Canada:  Lett  res  et  Documents 
Inedits  (Paris,  1864).  All  of  the  documents  in  Carayon's  collection 
will  be  published  in  this  series,  in  chronological  order,  with  that 
Editor's  valuable  footnotes. 

Auguste  Carayon,  S.  J.,  a  leading  authority  upon  the  history  of 
his  order  in  New  France,  was  born  in  Saumur,  France,  1813,  and 
died  in  Poitiers,  1874.  His  principal  works  were:  Bibliographic 
historique  dc  la  Compagnie  de  Jdstis  ;  Catalogtie  des  ouvrages 
relatifs  i\  Vhistoire  des  Jdsuites  depuis  leur  origine  Jusqu'd 
nos  jours  (Paris,  1864)/  Documents  ini'dits  concernant  la  Com- 
pagnie de  Jdsus  (Poitiers,  1863-1875,  18  vols.);  Premiere  Mis- 
sion des  /^suites  au  Canada  (Paris,  1864);  Bannissement  des 
JJsuites  dc  la  Louisiane  (Paris,  1865);  ^tablisscmcnt  de  la  Com- 
pagnie de  /I'sus  a  Brest,  par  Louis  XIV.  (1865);  Prisons  du 
Marquis  de  Pombal,  ministre  du  Portugal,  journal  de  ly^q  d 
1777  (1865);  Notes  historiques  sur  les  parlements  et  les  Ji suites 
au  dix-huitittnc  siicle  (1867).  Carayon  also  edited  numerous  im- 
portant historical  works,  between  1864  and  :37i. 

27.  (p.  127)  — Pierre  Biard,  S.  J.,  writer  of  several  of  the  early 
Acadian  Relations,  was  born  at  Grenoble,  France,  1657,  and  died  at 
Avignon,  November  17,  1622.  In  if.oS,  he  was  called  from  a  chair 
of  scholastic  theology  and  Hebrew,  m  Lyons,  by  Father  Coton, 
the  King's  confessor  and  preacher,  to  take  charge  of  the  Jesuit 
mission  in  Acadia.  His  several  accounts  of  the  colony,  with  the 
part  taken  by  himself  in  notable  episodes,  do  not  always  agree 
with  the  version  of  Lescarbot.     See  Parkman's  Pioneers,  part  ii.. 


n 


812 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


I 


;i* 


I 


i 


chaps,  v.-viii. ;  also,   R.   P.  Felix    Martin's  Li/e  of  R.   P.  Pierre 
Biard,  S.  J.  (Montreal,  1890). 

28.  (p.  127)  —  Claude  Aquaviva,  S.  J.,  bom  1544;  elected  general 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  1581;  died,  1615;  a  Neapolitan  nobleman; 
chamberlain  of  the  Court  of  Rome ;  fifth  general  of  the  order,  and 
ranked  by  some  historians  as  its  ablest  legislator  and  second 
founder.     See  Nicolini's  History  of  the  Jesuits,  pp.  210,  257. 

29.  (p.   127)  —  Fathers  Biard  and  Masse  sailed  January  26. 

30.  (p.  129)  —  Brother-coadjutor.  The  six  classes  of  the  order 
of  Jesuits  were:  (i)  novices,  (2)  lay-brothers,  (3)  scholars,  (4)  coad- 
jutors, (5)  Jesuits  of  the  Third  Order,  and  (6)  Jesuits  of  the  Fourth 
Order.     See  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee's  Lecture  on  the  Jesuits. 

31.  (p.  133)  —  Biencourt  and  Robin  de  Coulogne,  not  having  means 
to  equip  and  provision  the  vessel  which  was  to  convey  Biard  and 
Masse  to  Port  Royal,  made  an  arrangement  with  Dujardin  and 
Duquesne,  two  merchants  of  Dieppe,  by  which  the  latter  undertook 
to  furnish  the  equipment  and  supplies  in  consideration  of  being  ad- 
mitted as  partners  in  Poutrincourt's  fur-trading  and  cod-fishing 
enterprise.  Concerning  this  Contract  d' Association  des  Jd suites 
au  Trafique  du  Canada,  made  January  20,  ibii,  see  Parkman's 
Pioneers,  p.  288,  note.  Cf.  also,  Rochemonteix's  Jdsuites,  vol.  i., 
p.  32.  These  partners,  being  Huguenots,  objected  to  the  shipment 
of  the  Jesuits,  but  finally  sold  their  interests  for  2,800  livres  to 
Madame  de  Guercheville,  whose  part  in  this  expedition  is  related  in 
note  33,  post.  See  Biard's  succeeding  letter,  for  fuller  details  of 
this  adventure. 

32.  (p.  133)  —  Formal  order  of  the  Queen.  October  7,  1610,  the 
young  King,  Louis  XIII.,  wrote  from  Monceaux  to  Baron  de  Pou- 
trincourt;  "  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  as  Father  Pierre  Biard  and 
Father  Ennemond  Masse,  religious  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  are  being 
sent  over  to  New  France  to  celebrate  the  divine  services  of  the 
church  and  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  people  of  that  country,  I 
wish  to  hereby  recommend  them  to  you,  that  you  may,  upon  all  oc- 
casions, assist  and  protect  them  in  the  exercise  of  their  noble  and 
holy  calling,  assuring  you  that  I  shall  consider  it  a  great  service. ' ' 

The  Queen  Mother  also  wrote:  "  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  now 
that  the  good  Jesuit  Fathers  are  about  to  try,  under  the  authority 
of  the  King,  my  son,  to  establish  our  faith  over  there,  I  hereby 
request  you  to  give  them,  for  the  success  of  this  good  work,  all  the 
courtesy  and  assistance  in  your  power,  as  a  service  very  near  our 
heart,  and  very  acceptable  to  us,  praying  God,  Monsieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt, to  keep  you  under  his  holy  and  watchful  care." — David 
Asseline's   Antiquities    and    Chronicles  of   the   City  of   Dieppe 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


818 


(Dieppe,  1874;  2  vols.)    The  letters  are  reproduced  in  Faillon's  Col. 
Fr.,  vol.  i.,  p.  102. 

33-  (P-  ^35)  —  Antoinette  de  Pons,  Marquise  de  Guercheville,  pat- 
roness of  Jesuit  missions  in  New  France,  was  lady  of  honor  to  Murie 
de  M^dicis,  and  accounted  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  zealously 
religious  women  of  her  time.  Taking  up  the  defence  of  the  Jesuits 
against  Poutrincourt,  she  not  only  bought  the  ship  in  which  to  trans- 
port them  to  America,  but  the  cargo  and  the  royal  patent  of  De 
Monts,  thus  succeeding  the  latter  as  proprietor  of  all  Acadia,  except- 
ing Port  Royal,  which  still  remained  in  Poutrincourt's  possession. 
Concerning  her  rupture  with  De  Monts,  see  Shea's  Charlevoix, 
vol.  i.,  p.  274.  She  resolved  to  plant  a  strictly  Catholic  colony  at 
Pentagoet  (site  of  Bangor,  Me.),  and  sent  out,  under  La  Saussaye, 
some  fifty  settlers  and  three  Jesuit  missionaries  (1613).  Upon 
reachmg  Port  Royal,  they  were  joined  by  Biard  and  Masse,  and 
thence  proceeded  to  the  eastern  side  of  Mount  Desert  Island.  For 
the  location  of  their  mission,  St.  Sauveur,  see  Parkman's  Pioneers, 
p.  304,  note.  The  descent  of  the  English  under  Argall  (1613), 
was  the  end  of  Madame  de  Guercheville's  mission.  See  A''.  Y. 
Colonial  Documents,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  i,  2,  concerning  reparation  al- 
lowed her  by  the  government  of  Great  Britain  for  the  loss  of  her 
vessel.  Cf.  Faillon's  Col.  Fr.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  110-117;  and  Baird's  Hug. 
Fniig.,  vol.  i.,  p.  103.  Upon  the  queen  regent's  high  regard  for  the 
Jesuits,  see  Col.  Fr,,  vol.  i.,  pp.  101,  102. 

34.  (p.  141)  —  Several  of  the  old  French  coins  were  called  ecus. 
They  date  from  the  period  of  Charles  VII., —  ecus  h  la  couronne, 
or  crowns  of  gold,  from  the  crown  which  lormed  the  type  of  the 
reverse. — Prime's  Coins,  Medals,  and  Seals,  p.  150.  The  ecu  of 
Louis  XIV.  is  first  given  in  Dye's  Coin  Encyclopedia,  p.  621 ;  value 
in  United  States  currency,  $i.to8.  The  early  4cu  was  equal  to  three 
francs ;  later,  to  about  five. 

35.  (p.  141) — Viaticum.  In  Pere  de  Ravignan's  On  the  Exist- 
ence and  Institutions  of  the  Jesuits  (Paris,  1862),  p.  190,  tiote  ii., 
mention  is  made  of  a  custom  in  connection  with  the  viaticum  of  mis- 
sionaries, which  was  frequently  observed  at  this  time.  The  found- 
ers or  benefactors  of  missions,  in  order  to  obtain  with  greater  cer- 
tainty and  abundance  the  money  which  they  intended  for  mission- 
ary work  in  distant  lands,  charged  the  merchants,  who  acted  as 
agents,  to  sell  the  merchandise  which  they  consigned  to  them,  and 
to  remit  the  price  of  it  to  the  missionaries  for  their  support.  Thus 
Madame  de  Guercheville  furnished  considerable  money  to  Bien- 
court  to  invest  in  the  fish  and  fur  trade,  which  he  was  about  to  un- 
dertake, with  the  sole  condition  that,  for  her  share,  he  should  sup- 


^■.■^v»ii«.  ■[■■H.iiJBUPHLii.imi  t.* 


r^ 


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814 


AZOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


t 


port  the  missionaries.     See   Rochemonteix's  Jdsttt'tes,  vol.  i.,  pp. 
35-36,  note. 

36.  (p.  141 )  —  The  Marchioness  de  Verneuil  furnished  their  chapel, 
Madame  de  Sourdis  their  vestments  and  linen,  and  Madame  de 
Guercheville provided  other  necessaries. —  Anniice  Littera  S.  J.,  an. 
1 61 2,  p.  570. 

Madame  de  Verneuil  founded  a  convent  of  Annunciades,  and  gave 
her  declining  years  to  religion.     She  died  at  Paris,  T633,  aged  54. 

37.  (p.  143)  —  In  his  Relation  of  1616,  chap,  xi.,  Biard  says: 
"Thomas  Robin  de  Coulogne  enjoyed  a  modest  fortune;  ho  had 
often  heard  about  New  France  from  the  Dieppe  merchants,  and  had 
wished  to  mingle  in  this  colonization  movement.  What  Baron  de 
Poutrincourt  told  him  about  the  attempts  made  at  Port  Royal 
pleased  him  greatly,  and  he  promised  to  assist  him." 

The  names  of  Monsieur  deCouUogne  (Coulogne)  and  of  Madame 
de  Sigogne  (Sicoine)  appear  in  Fleche's  list  of  baptisms,  ante.  Other 
contemporary  spellings  of  Coulogne  are:  Cologne,  Coloigne,  and 
Coloine. 

38.  (p.  147)  — This  is  an  interesting,  and  we  believe  a  unique  state- 
ment of  Biard,  that  the  islands  off  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  were 
once  called  the  "  Azores  of  the  Great  Bank. "  The  maps  of  many 
early  cartographers  and  navigators  represent  Newfoundland  as  a 
group  of  islands,  or  a  large  island  with  a  circlet  of  smaller  ones,  or 
"almost  a  single  island." — See  Winsor's  N.  and  C.  Hist.,  vol.  i., 
pp.  74,  77,  79,  93,  379.  As  Newfoundland  was  the  first  land  sighted 
by  voyagers  in  New  France,  and  as  their  last  sight  of  land  had  been 
the  Azores,  the  naming  of  the  islands  of  the  Great  Bank  the  Azores 
is  in  keeping  with  their  custom  in  this  regard. 

39.  (p.  149)  —  Ennemond  Masse,  S.  J.,  born  at  Lyons,  1574;  died  at 
Sillery,  Canada,  1646;  admitted  to  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  the  age  of 
twenty,  and  assigned  to  a  chair  of  theology  in  Lyons;  in  1608, 
chosen  by  Father  Coton  to  accompany  Biard  to  Acadia.  He  was 
again  sent  to  Canada  in  1625,  with  Charles  Lalemant,  Jean  de 
Brebeuf,  and  two  lay  brothers.  During  the  English  occupation  of 
Canada  (1629-32),  he  was  in  France,  but  returned  with  Brebeuf  in 
1633.  Rochemonteix  {Jhiiitcs,  vol.  i.,  p.  24)  says  of  him:  "Of 
an  impetuous  and  violent  nature,  he  had  all  he  could  do  to  restrain 
it.  But,  by  vigilance  and  perseverance,  he  conquered  it  so  well 
that  he  no  longer  seemed  to  have  any  strong  impulses  or  passions. 
Industrious,  unwearying,  of  robust  health,  he  was  prepared  for  the 
hardships  of  a  distant  mission  by  a  life  of  penitence  and  denial, 
frequently  fasting,  sleeping  upon  hard  boards,  accustoming  his  taste 
to  everything,  and  his  body  to  extreme  cold  and  heat.  Although 
innocent  as  a  child,  he  led  the  life  of  a  penitential  anchorite ;  in 


^    \ 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


315 


1608,  they  made  him  an  Associate  to  Father  Coton,  then  confessor 
and  preacher  to  the  king.  But  this  austere  apostle  preferred  a  life 
of  privation  and  sacrifice  to  that  of  the  court.  He  chose  Canada." 
Bressani's  Relatione,  to  be  given  post,  describes  the  death  of  Mass6, 
who  was  one  of  the  most  notable  of  the  missionaries  of  New 
France.  A  monument  to  his  memory  has  been  erected  at  Siilery. 
There  is  a  difference  of  usage  in  the  matter  of  accenting  his  name: 
Charlevoix,  Winsor,  and  Parkman  do  not  use  the  accent ;  but  Champ- 
lain,  Biard,  and  Cretineau-Joly  do,  and  Faillon  {Col.  Fr.,  vol.  i.,  p. 
101)  gives  authorities  for  this  usage,  which  we  have  preferred  to 
adopt. 

40.  (p.  151)  —  Bourinot  {Canad.  Mo.,  vol.  vii.,  p.  292)  says 
Crt«J<' is  a  Souriquois  word  meaning  "facing  the  frowning  cliff;" 
also,  that  "the  strait  was  long  called  after  the  Sieur  de  Fronsac, 
one  of  the  early  gentlemen  adventurers  who  held  large  estates  in 
Acadia."  It  is  shown  as  detroit  de  Fronsac  on  Chabert's  map 
(1750);  it  is  Camceau  on  Champlain's  map  of  1632;  it  sometimes 
appears  as  Campceau  on  old  French  documents ;  and  is  spelled  both 
Canceaux  and  Canso  in  the  official  correspondence  between  France 
and  England  in  the  eighteenth  century.  In  1779,  the  fisheries  of 
Canso  were  worth  ;^5o,ooo  a  year  to  England.  See  Murdoch's 
History  of  Nova  Scotia  (Halifax,  1865-67),  vol.  ii.,  p.  597. 

41.  (p.  151)  —  Lescarbot  states  that  they  arrived  at  night,  three 
hours  after  sunset. —  Relation  derniere  (Paris,  1612),  to  be  given 
post. 

42.  (p.  153)  —  Cap  de  la  Heve,  now  known  as  Cape  La  Have,  is  the 
southern  point  of  La  Have  Island,  off  New  Dublin  Bay,  one  of 
many  indentations  of  the  coast  of  the  township  of  New  Dublm, 
Lunenburg  County,  Nova  Scotia.  The  cape  is  a  picturesque  cliff  or 
bluff  rising  107  feet  above  tide  level,  and  visible  a  long  distance  out 
to  sea,  When  De  Monts  and  Champlain  left  Havre  de  Grace,  France, 
in  March,  1604,  Cap  de  la  Heve,  in  the  suburb  of  St.  Adresse, 
must  have  been  the  last  land  seen  by  them ;  as  this  cliff  off  New 
Dublin  was  probably  the  first  sighted  by  them  in  La  Cadic,  it  was 
natural  that  they  should  name  it  after  the  famous  French  landmark. 
There  are  evidences  on  La  Have  Island  of  an  early  French  settle- 
ment, of  which  there  appear  to  be  no  records ;  although  it  is  known 
that  Saussaye  planted  a  cross  there,  May  16,  1613.  De  Laet,  in  de- 
scribing Cadie  (1633)  says:  "Near  Cap  de  la  Heve  lies  a  port  of 
the  same  name,  44°  5'  north  latitude,  with  safe  anchorage." — See 
Des  Brisay's  Hist,  of  Co.  of  Ltittenburg,  N.  S.  (2d  ed.,  Toronto, 
1895),  pp.  166  et  seq.  The  Editor  is  also  indebted  to  F.  Blake 
Crofton,  secretary  of  the  Nova  Scotia  Historical  Society,  for  informa- 
tion under  this  head. 


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816 


NOTES  TO  VOL.  I 


43.  (p.  163)  —  People  from  St.  Malo,  France.  Spelled  also  by 
Biard,  post,  Maloumes. 

44.  (p.  169)  —  Robert,  the  son  of  Pontgrav6,  who  had  escaped  from 
custody,  and  had  been  in  hiding  in  the  forest.  See  Parkman's 
Pioneers,  pp.  265,  290;  also,  Lescarbot's  reference  to  him,   ante. 

45.  (p.  181)  —  Referring  to  Queen  Blanche  of  Castile  (1187-1252), 
regent  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  Louis  VIII.,  during  the 
absence  of  her  son,  Louis  IX.  (Saint  Louis),  in  the  Holy  Land. 

46.  (p.  197)  —  Joseph  Jouvency  (also  written  Juvency,  Jouvenci, 
and  Jouvancy),  Jesuit  historian,  an  eminent  litterateur  of  his  time. 
Born  in  Paris,  September  14,  1643;  died  at  Rome,  May  29,  1719.  In 
1659,  he  was  admitted  to  the  Society  of  Jesus,  for  many  years  filling 
the  position  of  professor  of  rhetoric  at  La  Fleche,  and  devoting 
much  time  to  historical  and  classical  research.  After  taking  his  vows 
in  1677,  he  was  sent  to  Rome,  as  one  of  the  staff  of  writers  upon 
Historia  Societatis  Jesii. 

47.  (p.  197)  —  Count  Ernest  von  Mansfeld,  soldier  of  fortune,  con- 
spicuous in  the  Thirty  Years  War.  Born,  1585;  died,  1626,  soon 
after  his  defeat  by  Wallenstein  at  the  bridge  of  Dessau.  His  great 
army  of  mercenaries  was,  according  to  Motley  {John  of  Barne- 
veld,  vol.  ii.,  p.  32),  "  the  earliest  type,  perhaps,  of  the  horrible  mili- 
tary vermin  destined  to  feed  so  many  years  on  the  unfortunate 
dismembered  carcass  of  Germany."  Cf.  Kohlrausch's  History  of 
Germany  (Haas  trans.),  pp.  320,  326.  Concerning  the  campaign 
of  Louis  XIII.,  against  the  Huguenots  (1622),  and  Count  von  Mans- 
feld's  part  therein,  see  Kitchin's  History  of  France,  pp.  497,  498. 

48.  (p.  199)  —  Philip  Alegambe,  a  Jesuit  scholar  (Flemish).  Died 
in  1652,  while  superior  of  the  house  of  his  order  at  Rome.  He  was 
the  leading  writer  upon   Bibliotheca  Scriptorum    Societatis  Jesu 

(1643)- 

49.  (p.  219)  —  Seven  Islands.  A  group  at  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  near  the  northerly  shore  of  the  gulf. 

50.  (p.  219)  —  Chicoutimi  River,  rismg  in  numerous  small  lakes 
near  Lake  St.  John,  pursues  a  picturesque  course,  frequently  inter- 
rupted by  rapids,  eastward  and  northeastward  into  the  Saguenay. 
At  the  junction,  seventy-five  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  latter,  is 
now  the  important  lumber-shipping  port  of  Chicoutimi,  at  whose 
wharves  ocean-going  vessels  are  laden.  The  old  missionary  district 
of  that  name  included  the  rugged  country  lying  south  and  south- 
west of  Lake  St.  John. 

51.  (p.  221)  —  The  French  Jesuits  definitely  abandoned  the  Iro- 
quois field  in  16S7,  owing  to  the  rising  power  of  the  English.  In 
1 701,  Bruyas  was  again  on  the  ground,  being  joined  the  year  follow- 
ing  by   De  Lamberville,  Garnier,  and   Le  Valliant,  and  later  by 


n: 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


817 


D'Hue  and  De  Marieul.  The  entire  party  was  driven  out  in  1708, 
and  many  of  their  Iroquois  converts  retired  with  them  to  the  mis- 
sion of  Caughnawaga,  near  Montreal. 

52.  (p.  221)  —  The  Iroquois  Mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  was 
founded  in  1669  by  Iroquois  Christians,  —  emigrants  from  the 
"castles"  of  the  Five  Nations.  The  mission  was  finally  removed 
to  Sault  St.  Louis,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  called  Caughnawaga, 
from  the  Indian  village  of  that  name  on  the  Mohawk,  where  had  also 
been  a  Jesuit  mission. 

53.  (p.  221)  —  Lake  Michigan.  Called  Lac  des  Puants  on  Cham- 
plain's  map  of  1632,  in  reference  to  the  Winnebago  tribe  (Puants)  on 
Green  Bay;  in  several  of  the  Belaiions,  and  on  Marquette's  map 
(1674),  it  is  styled  Lac  des  Illinois,  from  the  Illinois  Indians  upon  its 
southern  coast ;  AUouez  calls  it  (1675)  Lac  St.  Joseph,  because  of 
Fort  and  River  St.  Josephs  on  the  southeast  coast;  Coronelli's  map 
(1688)  honors  the  Dauphin  by  calling  the  lake  after  him;  Hennepin 
comes  the  nearest  to  modern  usage,  in  his  name,  Michigonong. 

54.  (p.  221)  —  Lake  Huron,  which  has  figured  under  many  titles, 
in  the  old  maps  and  chronicles.  This  name  has  reference  to  the 
Indian  family  upon  its  eastern  shores.  Champlain  first  named  it 
La  Mer  Douce  ("  The  Fresh  Sea  "),  and  later  Lac  des  Attigouantan, 
after  the  chief  tribe  of  the  Hurons;  Sanson's  map  (1657)  names  it 
Karegnondi;  Coronelli's  map  (1688)  christens  it  Lac  d'Orleans; 
Golden  in  one  place  gives  it  as  Quatoghe,  and  in  another  as  Cania- 
tare.  Lac  des  Hurons  first  appears  in  the  map  accompanying  the 
Relation  for  1670-71. 

55.  (p.  221)  —  The  mission  of  St.  Ignace  was  founded  by  Mar- 
quette, in  1670,  on  Point  St.  Ignace,  on  the  mainland  north  of  and 
opposite  the  Island  of  Michillimackinac  (now  shortened  to  Macki- 
naw or  Mackinac,  as  fancy  dictates).  The  term  Michillimackinac, 
variously  spelled,  was  applied  by  the  earliest  French  not  only  to  the 
island  and  straits  of  that  name,  but  m  general  to  the  great  peninsula 
lying  north  of  the  straits. 

56.  (p.  221)  —  The  mission  of  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  at  the  outlet  of 
Lake  Superior,  was  founded  by  Raimbault  and  Jogues  in  1640. 
The  place  was  always  an  important  rallying-point  for  the  natives, 
and  naturally  became  the  center  of  a  wide-spreading  fur  trade, 
which  lasted,  under  French,  English,  and  American  dominations  in 
turn,  until  about  1840. 

57.  (p.  221)  —  The  Western  mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  was 
founded  by  Allouez  in  1669,  at  the  first  rapids  in  the  Fox  River  (of 
Green  Bay),  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  in  what  is  now  the  city  of 
Depere,  Wis.  An  important  Indian  village  had  from  the  earliest 
historic  times  been  located  there. 


»»-'  ' 'a<iiLi".^'(i.ii!t>..'g!tr^.>; j»:'-w. 


ll 


318 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


I 


58.  ( p.  223  ) —  Outaouaki  =  Ottawas ;  Puteatamis  =  Pottawatto- 
mies;  Kikarous=Kickapoos;  Outagamies  =  Foxes;  Oumiamis^Mi- 
amis. 

59.  ( p.  223  )  —  Bayagoulas,  one  of  the  Louisiana  missions,  of  which 
Father  Paul  du  Ru,  S.  J.,  was  in  charge  in  1700.  Shea's  Crt///- 
o/i'c  Mi'sst'ons,  p.  443. 

60.  (p.  227)  —  An  anonymous  writer  in  T/te  Catholic  World, 
(vol  xii.,  p.  629)  makes  the  s.atement  that  Quentin  and  Du  Thet 
were  sent  out  to  replace  Biaid  and  Masse  "if  they  had  perished; 
otherwise  to  icturn  to  Fran':e. "  Contemporary  writers,  however, 
speak  of  their  coming  as  a  n.inforcement. 

61.  (  p.  227  )  —  On  what  ca'iie  to  be  known  as  Frenchman's  Bay,  on 
the  east  side  of  the  island  of  Mount  Desert.  Parkman  says  {Pio- 
neers, qA..  1865,  p.  lib,  no'e):  "  Probably  all  of  Frenchman's  Bay 
was  included  under  the  name  of  the  Harbor  of  St.  Sauveur.  The 
landing-place  so  called  seems  to  have  been  near  the  entrance  of  the 
bay,  certainly  south  of  Bar  Harbor.  The  Indian  name  of  the  Island 
of  Mount  Desert  was  Penetic.  Its  present  name  was  given  by 
Cham  plain." 

62.  (p.  227)  —  The  "Jonas,"  conspicuous  in  the  annals  of  Aradia 
from  the  time  in  which  Poutrincourt  and  Lescarbot  sailed  in  her  for 
Port  Royal,  in  1606,  to  her  capture  by  Argall  in  1613.  Parkman 
aptly  calls  her  "the  'Mayflower'  of  the  Jesuits." 

63.  (p.  229)  —  Samuel  Argall,  born  in  Bristol,  England,  1572;  died, 
1639.  See  Cooke's  Virginia  (Amer.  Commonwealths  ser. ),  pp. 
111-113,  for  a  fair  estimate  of  this  tempestuous  character.  Folsom's 
"Expedition  of  Captain  Samuel  Argal,"  in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Colls,  (new 
ser.),  vol.  i.,  pp.  333-342,  goes  over  that  ground  quite  completely. 

64.  (p.  231 )  —  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  the  predecessor  of  Argall  as  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia;  he  was  in  t^e  service  of  the  Low  Countries, 
1588-95,  and  1606-10;  in  161 1,  he  entered  the  service  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  where  he  remained  five  years  as  governor  of  the  colony ; 
and  in  1619  he  died  at  Masulipatam,  while  in  command  of  an  expe- 
dition to  the  East  Indies. 

65.  ( p.  233  )  —  The  charge  was  freely  made  at  the  time,  that  Biard 
and  Masse,  incensed  at  Biencourt,  who  had  been  unkind  to  them, 
piloted  Argall  to  Port  Royal.  Poutrincourt  and  Lescarbot,  dislik- 
ing the  Jesuits,  naturally  believed  it,  and  the  former  addressed  the 
French  admiralty  court  on  the  subject,  under  the  date  of  July  18, 
1614. —  See  Lescarbot's  A'oitv.  France,  book  v.,  chap.  14.  Cham- 
plain  discredited  the  charge,  saying  that  Argall  compelled  an  Indian 
to  serve  as  pilot.  Cf.  Parkman's  Pioneers,  pp.  313  et  seg.,  and 
Biard's  own  statements,  post  (Letter  to  T.-R.  General,  May  6, 
1614;  «ir>d  Relation  of  1616). 


1 


NOTES  TO   VOL.  I 


319 


66.  (p.  233)  —  Argall's  lieutenant,  in  command  of  the  captured 
"Jonas."  According  to  Parkman  {Pioneers,  p.  318),  he  was  "an 
officer  of  merit,  a  scholar,  and  linguist,"  treating  his  prisoners  with 
kindness. 

67.  (p.  251)  —  Reference  is  here  made  to  Lake  Champlain,  the  Mer 
des  Iroquois  and  Lacus  Irocoisiensis  of  the  early  French  cartogra- 
phers. Richelieu  River  was  at  first  styled  Riviere  des  Iroquois. 
In  a  letter  of  John  Winthrop  to  Lord  Arlington,  dated  Boston,  Oct. 
25,  1666,  Lake  Champlain  is  referred  to  as  Lake  Hiracoies. —  N.  Y. 
Colon.  Docs.,  iii.,  p.  13S.  See  also.  Palmer's  History  of  Lake 
Champlain  (Albany,  1866),  pp.  12,  13;  and  Blaeu's  maps  of  1662  and 
1685,  in  Winsor's  N.  and  C.  Hist.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  391. 

68.  (p.  253)  —  The  gar-pike  {Lepidosteus  osseus).  A  picture  of 
this  "armored  fish"  is  given  in  Creuxius's  Historia  Canadensis 
(Paris,  1664),  p.  50. 

69.  (p.  253)  —  Jouvency  plainly  refers  to  what  is  still  known  as 
Bird  Island,  or  Bird  Rocks,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  N.  W.  of 
Cabot  Strait.  Authorities  disagree  in  locating  the  Bird  Island  of 
Cartier's  first  voyage.  See  Hakluyt's  Voyages  (Goldsmid  ed.), 
vol.  xiii.,  pt.  I,  p.  78;  Sl\ea's  Charlevoix,  vol.  i.,  p.  112,  note  ;  both 
indicating  that  what  is  now  called  Funk  Island,  off  the  eastern  coast 
of  Newfoundland,  was  the  Bird  Island  of  Cartier.  Kingsford,  in 
History  of  Canada  (Toronto,  1887),  vol.  i.,  p.  3,  identifies  it,  how- 
ever, with  the  present  Bird  Island  of  the  Gulf.  Champlain's  map 
of  1613  has  a  Bird  Island  near  the  mouth  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 
Anspach,  in  History  of  Newfoundland  {l^onAon,  i8ig),  p.  317,  says: 
"  Fogo  Island  [N.  W.  of  Cape  Freels]  is  described  in  the  old  maps 
by  the  name  of  Aves,  or  Birds'  Island." 

70.  (p.  269)  —  The  Montagnais,  a  wretched  tribe  of  nomads,  were, 
at  this  time,  chiefly  centered  upon  the  banks  of  the  Saguenay  River. 

71.  (p.  281) —  Venus  mercenaria,  the  round  clam,  or  quahaug. 


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THE  BURR0W8  BROTHEIiS  COMPANY,   PIJ 


901- 


(PART8  OF  UNITEI 
1611 
XVI 

THE  JESUll 
AND  ALLIE] 

Modern  Bowidaty  JAn 


HURON    COUNTI 


MAP  OP 

EW  FKANCE 

IRTS  OP  UNITED  STATES  AND  CANADA.) 

1610-1791. 

To  Illustmte 

tE  JESUIT  RELATIONS 
ALLIED  DOCUMENTS. 


\dtim  Boundary  JAne*  are   Shown  for    Beference. 
Scftle  of  Miles. 


50 


100 


200 


79'';tO' 


PUBL.f81IEliS. 


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THE.  litATThEWe-NORTHRUP  CO.,.MAKBR«. 


